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Benedict Arnold: America's Most Famous Traitor, Part Three

5/1/2016

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                 Source: Steve Sheinkin. The Notorious Benedict Arnold - A True
                                      Story of Adventure, Heroism, and Treachery (2010)
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     Major John Andre, General Henry Clinton's chief of espionage, had already broken one of Clinton's rules of spying: he had crossed American lines. General Benedict Arnold, the reason why Andre was behind enemy lines, insisted that Andre take the written-down instructions on the strengths/weaknesses of West Point to General Clinton. By doing so, Andre violated Clinton's second rule, which was never carry incriminating papers, by placing the documents between his feet and stockings. 
     Arnold wrote a pass for Andre in order to get past any US soldiers; it was agreed that when Clinton saw the papers, the British attack at West Point would begin. If the timing was right, Clinton would get Fort Arnold, thousands of soldiers, and George Washington, who was en route to the fort. Andre couldn't leave until dark, and Joshua Hett Smith, who had been unwittingly assisting Arnold in his treason, would ride with him and show Andre to the British line. Smith agreed, but wanted to know why Arnold was in a British uniform, to which Arnold basically shrugged off his question. 
     Smith loaned Andre civilian clothes, and Arnold went back to his wife, Peggy. For Arnold and Andre, there had been some unfortunate glitches in their plan so far, but their plan and timing was still intact. When Andre put on Smith's civilian clothes in Smith's house, he violated the last of Clinton's rules, which was to all times remain in uniform. As Smith and Andre rode out from West Point, Smith chatted endlessly, while Andre kept quiet, not doubt trying to think about how to get out of his dangerous situation.

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     Soon, Smith and Andre were challenged. Smith handed the guards the pass written by Arnold after basically telling them off. Smith was given back the pass, but told to go no further; Smith knew why . . . the next 15 miles were a violent No-Man's Land controlled by Loyalist-leaning thugs known as "Cowboys". These "Cowboys" fought for territory and loot with a rival gang, Rebel-leaning thugs known as "Skinners". Andre wanted to proceed, but the captain of the guard advised against doing so.
    
​     Smith and Andre spent the night in a farmer's house, but Andre wasn't able to sleep, since he was still shaken from the day's events, which included passing on the road an American, Colonel Webb, who had been a prisoner in New York City when Andre was stationed in the city. . . Webb showed no signs of recognizing Andre. In the morning, Andre loosened up with Smith, but after breakfast at the farm house Smith told Andre he didn't want to ride into
​No-Man's Land. Smith gave Andre directions, and then Smith (and his slave) rode off in the opposite direction. Andre continued alone. A few miles ahead in Tarrytown, three men were crouched by the side of the road, probably a mix of "Skinners" and American militiamen. The three men decided to stop the coming rider if they didn't know him . . . that rider was Major Andre.

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     The three men surprised Andre. Andre gambled that they were Loyalist "Cowboys", and addressed them as such, but he was mistaken. Andre's face went ashen, and he gave them Arnold's pass. Had Andre presented the pass before saying anything, or pretended to be a put-out American soldier, he almost certainly would have been allowed to continue. The three men assumed that Andrew was a British officer with money, which explained the thorough forced search. Andre was completely naked except for his boots and stockings . . . then the three men searched his boots, and saw something in the stockings.
    
​      The three men had found the documents given to Andre by Arnold; Andre denied he was a spy and demanded to be set free. The three men asked Andre what his freedom was worth, to which Andre in effect replied "any sum you want". That sum was 100 guineas, his horse, saddle, bridle, and his fancy watch. Andre actually haggled with the three men until Andre offered the ridiculous sum of 10,000 guineas. The three men decided it was too risky collecting money from a British officer/spy . . . it was surely safer to turn in Andre to the American side, since he sure seemed to be worth something. At that point, Andre knew his chances at returning to the HMS Vulture and New York City were nil.
     Meanwhile, Smith told Arnold that Andre was safely on his way to New York City. At the same time, aboard the HMS Vulture, the crew was nervous, in that they were still waiting for Andre's return. Andre was delivered to an American army post that was commanded by Colonel John Jameson, who was unsure what to do with Andre.

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      Andre's pass from General Arnold was genuine, but Colonel Jameson wondered why Andre would he have detailed information on West Point in his stocking. Jameson decided to let Arnold know that he had "John Anderson" as a prisoner, and that he had in his possession potentially incriminating documents. Jameson also decided to send the captured documents to Washington . . . so two messengers were sent at the same time, one to Arnold, and the other to Washington. 
     Washington's headquarters were located close-by, and the messenger actually passed the camp. He turned around and found the camp, but Washington wasn't there, because the general was studying the land, river, and fort very near West Point. Washington wasn't in any particular hurry to reach Arnold, despite being expected for breakfast . . . General Lafayette was getting nervous, advising Washington that they needed to go see Arnold . . . but the rider that was still trying to locate Washington was probably more nervous than Lafayette.
     Washington decided to send two officers ahead to let Arnold know they would be late to breakfast. Those officers were with Arnold when Jameson's other rider delivered the message. One of Washington's officers noticed Arnold's reaction to reading the note; he seemed embarrassed and agitated . . . but why? Arnold now knew that Andre had been captured, and that Washington had the documents . . . and that Washington would be there any minute. Arnold didn't know if Washington was actually in possession of the papers yet, and he didn't want to wait to find out. 

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     Arnold went upstairs to Peggy's bedroom, and told her why he needed to leave right away. Then there was a knock on the door, and Arnold was told that Washington was almost there, and Peggy fainted. Arnold got on his horse, telling his officers to let Washington know that he would be back in an hour. Arnold galloped towards Washington's personal guard; they got out of his way and saluted him as he passed. Arnold found his small boat by the river; he always had officers nearby so they could row him across the Hudson whenever he wanted. Arnold ordered his men to row towards the HMS Vulture, since he had secret business with a man on board . . . Arnold stood in the rowboat with both of his pistols cocked, ready to be used.
    Just minutes after Arnold left, Washington arrived. Washington was told that Arnold was at West Point, so after a quick breakfast, Washington and his entourage rowed across the Hudson to Fort Arnold, expecting a formal greeting, which included a 13 cannon salute. However, there was nothing of the sort, and Washington soon discovered that Arnold hadn't been on that side of the river at all that day. Washington didn't have any idea why things weren't normal; the fort looked neglected and soldiers were not in their proper places . . . the strategic location was wide open for an attack.

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     Back at Arnold's house, Peggy was in play-acting mode, and started to shriek; the fact that she also looked genuinely terrified helped her with the ruse. She asked if Colonel Varick (who was in the room) was planning on killing her baby. Peggy kept crying, saying that Arnold would not return, ever . . . it appeared to those in the room that Peggy was hallucinating. Washington soon arrived at Arnold's home, expecting him to be there, but no one knew Arnold's whereabouts.
​     Finally, Colonel Jameson's other messenger found Washington, and handed the general the message and the documents. Shortly after starting to read the papers, Washington's hands started shaking; he knew immediately that Arnold had betrayed him, saying "who can we trust now"? Arnold was out of Washington's reach (after an exhaustive search), so Washington focused on preparing West Point for an attack, placing General Nathaniel Greene in charge. 
     Peggy heard Washington's voice, and asked to see him upstairs. When Washington entered the room, Peggy again started raving, claiming to not recognize Washington, accusing him of murdering her child. Washington tried to comfort Mrs. Arnold, but it wasn't his strong suit. Lt. Colonel Alexander Hamilton was in the room as well, and he saw the sweetness of beauty and innocence mixed with lost senses. Peggy was acting, but again, she was truly afraid. Peggy needed to convince Washington that she had no part in Arnold's treason, and she succeeded . . . after Washington left her room, she lay calmly down on the bed, plotting her next series of decisions.

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     Now it was Joshua Hett Smith's turn; soldiers entered his home with bayonets, and he was dragged in front of Washington. Washington told Smith that he was being charged with treason; Smith was genuinely confused, and insisted that he hadn't known about Andre's identity or Arnold's intentions. Once Washington calmed down, he realized that Smith had been used, but he put Smith in jail for the time being, just in case. 
     Washington and the men stationed at West Point stayed up all night for a British attack that never came; Washington was still shaken by the recent shocking turn of events. Arnold wrote Washington from the HMS Vulture; true to form, Arnold thought that he had acted correctly. Arnold did one decent thing in his series of letters to Washington, in that he absolved all those around him of being a part of his actions. The HMS Vulture sailed back to New York City, where Arnold walked the streets in the uniform of a British general.
     Arnold didn't get the reception he was expecting; most just stared icily at him. Arnold's arrival stunned the residents of New York City; when the shock wore off, many started to wonder about Major John Andre. General Clinton was a wreck over Andre, and he didn't welcome Arnold, which meant the officers that ranked below Clinton followed suit. Arnold walked the streets of New York City in his new uniform, more alone than he had ever been. Arnold's plot had failed, and if Andre died, the catastrophe would be complete.

Epilogue: The fates of General Benedict Arnold and Major John Andre . . .
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Benedict Arnold: America's Most Famous Traitor, Part Two

5/1/2016

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                Source: Steve Sheinkin. The Notorious Benedict Arnold - A True
                                     Story of Adventure, Heroism, and Treachery (2010)
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     The Revolutionary War interrupted the court-martial of Major General Benedict Arnold, and he went back to Philadelphia. Arnold continued clandestine negotiations with
Major John Andre, who was the head of General Henry Clinton's spy network. Arnold told Andre that he wanted to be paid no-matter-what for his efforts (what would be $1.5 million today); Clinton demanded something big for that price tag. To do so, Arnold needed to be back in an important military command, but his court-martial kept getting delayed. 
     On 23 December 1779, Arnold's court-martial finally resumed at a tavern in Morristown, New Jersey. Arnold stated to the judges that for all he'd done for his nation, he deserved better treatment; he needed an acquittal in order to be put in command in the field again. 
     Arnold refuted each of the charges one-by-one, and in great detail. Although Arnold was planning on betraying his nation, and had been up-to-his-neck in unethical behavior as the Military Governor of Philadelphia, he didn't FEEL GUILTY . . . Arnold was always able to convince himself that he was doing right.

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       On 26 January 1780, Arnold was acquitted of the serious charges; in the opinion of the judges, he was guilty of repeated bad judgment, and was sentenced to an official reprimand from Washington. As the sentence was read, Arnold complained (about the bad judgment) "for what"? Washington procrastinated for two months until finally reprimanding Arnold, and it was a short and mild official rebuke which featured an apology for the reprimand as well. However, that sensitive and generous note from Washington came far-too-late in Arnold's view.
     
​     Sometime during May 1780, Arnold started to think about West Point on the Hudson River. The fort sat on a peninsula that jutted into the Hudson River 50 miles north of New York City.
Washington called West Point the "Key to America"; as long as West Point was held, the British fleet could be bottled up in New York City. Arnold told Andre of his plan (wanting more money, of course), and Clinton was finally seriously intrigued, and agreed to Arnold's price. Andre told Arnold that he wasn't getting paid for effort alone, and Arnold agreed that he had to deliver with his plan.

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     Arnold had been pestering Washington for weeks about West Point. Washington couldn't understand why Arnold was so adamant about being in command at West Point, since the British were unlikely to attack . . . why waste Arnold's abilities at West Point? Washington had a better idea: he offered command of the Left Wing of the Continental Army to Arnold. When Washington told Arnold of his decision, Arnold lost his smile, which visibly annoyed Washington. Washington offered the most prestigious position (except his own), which would place Arnold on top of the "General Heap". Washington, wondering what was going on in Arnold's mind, told Arnold to wait at Headquarters. 
    Arnold remained at HQ as ordered, and was limping more noticeably in order to be seen doing so. Arnold was also telling as many as possible at HQ that West Point was the only post in which he was physically capable of being in command. On 1 August 1780, Washington issued new orders that placed Arnold in command of the Left Wing. When news of this order reached Arnold's wife, Peggy, she had hysteric fits, since she was in on the plot with her husband (and most likely assisted with many details). Peggy kept telling people that it must have been a mistake; many were surprised that she appeared to value West Point over the Left Wing. Arnold visited Washington again, restating that he physically couldn't handle command of the Left Wing. Washington relented, and on 3 August 1780, he reluctantly rescinded his order, and placed Arnold in command at West Point.

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      Clinton placed Andre in charge of the mission to grab Fort Arnold at West Point (earlier in the war, the fort had been renamed in honor of Arnold's heroism and bravery). On the other side of the coin, Arnold had to figure out the best way for the British to attack the fort. Many at West Point, especially his long-time aides, noticed that Arnold seemed bewildered the moment he took command. Among the odd behaviors the aides noticed was that Arnold spent a lot of time with Joshua Hett Smith, a local dandy landowner . . . they had no idea that Smith would play a leading role in Arnold's secret plan . . . and neither did Smith. Arnold chose an abandoned Loyalist mansion on the other side of the Hudson River as his private residence, and since it was very isolated, it was the perfect setting for his plans. Arnold then sent for Peggy, giving her precise instructions and directions to safely get to West Point.
     By now, Americans were getting very sick of the Revolutionary War, since it had become a "Never-Ending Story". In the army, dissatisfaction, mutinies, and desertions were all at the highest levels of the entire war. The Continental Army blamed Congress, while Congress resented the non-stop demands of the Army. Then, Major General Horatio Gates led his army to an inglorious defeat at Camden, South Carolina . . . the American Revolution was on the verge of collapse when Arnold took command of West Point.

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     Arnold not only wanted a large amount of money, but he also wanted to end the war and have America return to the British Empire; in his mind, he would not only be rich, but a hero to BOTH lands, and perhaps even be knighted by King George III . . . it was an insanely ambitious and audacious plan, yet the pieces were falling into place. All that remained was for Arnold and Andre to meet face-to-face to work out the final details. Andre was to sail up the Hudson River, anchor at an agreed-upon location, and watch for a rowboat which would conduct him to a safe location for their meeting.
     On 16 September 1780, Arnold received news that Washington and his staff were coming to West Point, and that they would be there for several days. This was too good to be true for Arnold, in that not only would he deliver West Point to the British, but also Washington . . . Arnold passed the news on to Andre. Clinton knew that Andre was relatively inexperienced with the ways of a spy in the field, and he gave Andre advice. First, he told Andre, do not go behind American lines. Second, refuse to carry incriminating papers, and third, no matter what, do not take off your British uniform. Clinton told Andre that if anything went wrong, those three rules would provide protection against spying, and an almost certain execution. Andre agreed, and sailed north on the Hudson aboard the HMS Vulture.

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      Arnold saw the HMS Vulture reach the agreed-upon spot, and needed to reach Andre without involving any men under his command. Arnold waited until dark, and then turned to his carefully-chosen tool, Joshua Hett Smith. Arnold wanted Smith to row out to the British ship, and bring back a man named Anderson. Smith was thrilled to be involved with Arnold, which was of great assistance in that Arnold needed Smith's help in recruiting rowers. Two tenant farmers agreed to perform that service, but only after they became somewhat tipsy after drinking rum, which was provided by Arnold. 
     Smith and the two rowers reached the HMS Vulture, and Smith was forced to go on board to meet Andre. After Smith delivered Andre to Arnold, he was told to leave so their conversation would be private. Smith felt that he had earned the right to be part of the conversation, but he sat by the river while Andre and Arnold talked until 4 am. Smith told the tenant farmers that he was ready to take Andre back to the HMS Vulture, but the rowers refused. It had become a moot point anyway, since it was already dawn, and Andre needed to be concealed until the next evening. Arnold and Andre got on horseback, and moved away from the shore, and came across pickets that saluted Arnold.

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     Up to that point, Andre believed he was on neutral ground, but the pickets proved otherwise, and Andre had violated Clinton's first rule of going behind American lines. At Smith's house, Andre took off his blue coat, and Smith saw that he was a British Redcoat. Arnold, Andre, and Smith ate breakfast with very little conversation between the three men. Suddenly explosions came from the Hudson River, and all three rushed to the window. 
     An American officer, James Livingston, took it upon himself to fire two cannon on the HMS Vulture; he had become annoyed that a British ship was so close to West Point. Firing on the HMS Vulture with a four-pounder (the smallest of the large cannon) was largely useless (and loud), but for two hours, those cannon fired. Six shots actually hit the HMS Vulture's hull, while other shells struck the sails and rigging. The captain was slightly injured by a splinter in the nose . . . that splinter changed the course of American History. The captain of the HMS Vulture ordered the ship to drop back out of range, and Andre was on his own, behind enemy lines, in the company and protection of Benedict Arnold. 

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Benedict Arnold: America's Most Famous Traitor, Part One

4/30/2016

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               Source: Steve Sheinkin. The Notorious Benedict Arnold - A True
                                   Story of Adventure, Heroism, and Treachery (2010)
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      On 4 May 1778, General Benedict Arnold finally returned to his home at New Haven, Connecticut, and was greeted as the "Hero of Saratoga". On 18 May 1778, British officer John Andre's all-day extravaganza (it was more like an elegant carnival) for General Howe occurred in Philadelphia. Unbeknownst to either Arnold or Andre, they would soon work together to try and win the war for Great Britain. 
     On 21 May 1778, Arnold arrived at Valley Forge (PA) and met with General George Washington. Washington knew that Arnold's fighting days were over, so he wanted Arnold to be the military governor of Philadelphia, once the British left (which his spies told him would be soon). The job would call for skills that Arnold didn't have in abundance: patience, tact, and political skill. For reasons that nobody has yet figured out, Washington offered the post to Arnold.
     Philadelphia was of no strategic value for Britain, so Washington's spies were correct: the British forces in Philadelphia went to New York City. Major John Andre said goodbye to a young lady whose acquaintance he had made in Philadelphia, Margaret Shippen, the daughter of a prominent Philadelphia Loyalist (and soon to be the 2nd Mrs. Benedict Arnold). 
     Arnold entered Philadelphia in the center of a large parade in full dress uniform, smiling and waving to the crowd. Washington's instructions to Arnold were to adopt certain measures that were effective-yet-least-offensive in order to restore order. But Arnold started to offend the citizens of Philadelphia almost immediately; he was determined to live like a supreme leader, and it was an irritating (and rude) display of luxury to a city that was in shambles.

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      The citizens of Philadelphia wondered where Arnold obtained large amounts of money. Arnold had made a huge profit from confiscated stores on an American cargo ship, which wasn't exactly illegal, but it certainly wasn't ethical. Arnold kept quiet about the details that lead to his wealth; he felt more-than-entitled to that wealth since he had served with great distinction, but hadn't received the respect/glory he felt he deserved, and that he had also lost his robust health. 
     Joseph Reed was a successful Philadelphia lawyer, and a former aide to Washington, and was Vice-President of the Pennsylvania Executive Council that actually administered the city of Philadelphia. Reed hated seeing military leaders get so popular, and was also jealous of Arnold. Reed wanted to cut the military leaders down-to-size while there was still time to do so; to Reed, Arnold was no longer doing the work of the Revolution. At a gala dance, Arnold asked to be introduced to Peggy Shippen; after a small chat, he was smitten. Peggy was also intrigued with Arnold, and soon Arnold's fancy coach was often spotted in front of the Shippen mansion.
     Finally, Arnold was able to walk without crutches. The best cobbler in Philadelphia made a special high heel for his (shorter) left leg. Arnold strolled the streets of Philadelphia with a limp (and a cane), ignoring the fierce storm between Loyalists, Patriots, and neutrals that raged around him . . . by that time, everything in Philadelphia was political. Arnold was even accused of inviting Tory (Loyalist) ladies to galas, which was true, but Arnold just wanted to be entertained and he enjoyed female company (as did Benjamin Franklin and George Washington). 

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      While Arnold and Peggy were doing well together, Arnold and the Pennsylvania legislature were not; the legislature was convinced that American military officers were starting to act like British aristocrats. Arnold purchased Mount Pleasant, which was a mansion on 90 acres overlooking the Schuylkill River, and easily one of the grandest estates in Philadelphia. 
     Reed became the preeminent figure in the Pennsylvania Executive Council, which not only made him more powerful, but also increased his obsession with destroying Arnold. Reed started to officially investigate the source of Arnold's wealth, and he used the city's newspapers to mount a smear campaign against Arnold. Arnold should have ignored the investigation and attacks, but of course he took it all personally, and had to respond. Then, in a newspaper article came specific mention of the rumors surrounding Arnold and Montreal (false accusations in which Arnold was accused of stealing supplies for his retreating soldiers after the failure at Quebec in 1775). Arnold responded with contempt for all Pennsylvania officials; by then, even Arnold understood it was probably time to leave Philadelphia.

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       In February 1779, Arnold went to Washington to discuss options; Reed panicked, believing that he was losing his chance to destroy Arnold. Arnold was almost to Washington's HQ when he was shown a newspaper from a stranger. Contained in an article were the formal charges against Arnold from the Pennsylvania Executive Council. The Council accused Arnold of everything they could dream up, including illegal purchases, illegal use of public wagons for personal gain, and disrespectful treatment of militiamen and government leaders. 
     Arnold showed Washington the charges contained in the newspaper; Washington advised Arnold to go back to Philadelphia and deal with the problem. Washington was thinking politically, which was very common for the general, but Arnold thought that even Washington doubted his honor . . . it was a turning point for Arnold in terms of his relationship with Washington. 
     Andre quickly became General Henry Clinton's closest aide. Clinton was a very difficult general to serve, since he was perpetually moody, distant, a loner, and always appeared to be annoyed. Other officers avoided Clinton, but Andre took a liking to the general, and was able to break through Clinton's veneer. Andre was promoted to major, and in effect became Clinton's Chief-of-Staff . . . Andre was becoming an important man in New York City, and he loved it for every minute. 
     In April 1779, Clinton named Andre his Chief of Intelligence, which meant he was in charge of Clinton's spy network. Andre was 28, which aggravated the older, more senior officers; to them, Andre was a "cringing, insidious sycophant". Andre was fully aware that he was on a figurative ledge, and that many were rooting for him to fall . . . Andre was supremely motivated to show them he was the right man for the post - he wanted to pull off an amazing coup as the Intelligence Chief. 

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     On 8 April 1779, Arnold and Peggy were married in the Shippen mansion. The charges against Arnold were national news, and Arnold was quickly running out of money; he was bleeding cash trying to keep his extravagant standard-of-living. Soon, Arnold started to borrow money to keep up appearances, and Arnold and Peggy largely kept to themselves . . . this was when the treasonous plot was most likely hatched. 
     Congress had to decide the Arnold v. Pennsylvania debacle, but they couldn't find any evidence of illegal trading by Arnold. Congress then in effect transferred the entire mess to Washington, telling him to try Arnold in a military court. Arnold asked for a quick trial, but Reed objected, saying he needed more time to gather evidence. Reed went so far as to write Washington that if he didn't get the extra time, then Pennsylvania's support of the war effort just might decrease. 
     Washington was in an impossible position, and decided to postpone Arnold's trial. Arnold believed that the delay meant that Washington also saw him as a criminal, which proved to be another step towards treason. Arnold stated that the delay was worse-than-death; Arnold was most likely wrestling with his inner-demons by that time, and was heading towards some dreadful decisions. It was almost like Arnold was asking Washington to save him before it was too late. 

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      Major Andre had a hard time knowing which people visiting his office were actually spies, and whether they were credible or crackpots. On 10 May 1779, Joseph Stansbury visited Andre and told him that General Benedict Arnold was offering his services to General Henry Clinton, either by joining the British army or by being part of a covert operation. Andre was in absolute shock . . . it never even remotely registered to any British officer that Arnold was anything but a true Patriot. 
     A few days later, Stansbury told Arnold that his offer had been accepted, and that Andre urged Arnold to propose a specific plan of action. Peggy Arnold was the go-between, and invisible ink from onion juice was used; their cypher was Blackstone's Commentaries, a massive legal text familiar to the well-educated. The code/cypher was impossible to break, but it was also very slow and tedious to decode. 
     Arnold inquired about financial details, while Andre wanted information in order to find a weak spot in the American defenses. Andre made it very clear to Arnold that he needed to return to an important command in the American Army. Arnold saw Washington at his headquarters on 1 June 1779, just before his long-delayed court-martial was to begin. Arnold started ranting about Congress and Reed, and Washington didn't want to be seen talking to Arnold in any meaningful public way before the court-martial due to perceptions of fairness. As a result, Washington gave Arnold a fairly stern public rebuke; as a result, Arnold no longer had second thoughts of treason . . . his inner-demons were no more.

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Benedict Arnold: The Hero of Saratoga (Aug 1777 - January 1778)

4/29/2016

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       Source: Steve Sheinkin. The Notorious Benedict Arnold - A True
                           Story of Adventure, Heroism, and Treachery (2010)

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     After securing Fort Stanwix, Major General Benedict Arnold returned to the Northern Army to find the overall commander, General Philip Schuyler, and his second-in-command, General Horatio Gates, fighting for control of the army. Congress sided with Gates; a majority in Congress had (unfairly) blamed Schuyler for the British takeover of Fort Ticonderoga. Gates, at the age of 50, finally saw his chance to achieve glory. 
     Gates decided to organize his army in a defensive posture in order to face the slowly advancing British forces under General John Burgoyne. While Gates was doing so, more-and-more soldiers showed up at camp, bolstering the Northern Army. Until this point, Gates and Arnold had got along okay; but then Arnold discovered that Gates didn't mention Arnold in his dispatches about Fort Stanwix . . . and Arnold offended Gates by populating his staff with Schuyler loyalists. 
     The main division between the two concerned their strategies of the upcoming battle at Saratoga. Gates didn't think that Arnold's recklessness was needed . . . he wanted the British to smash themselves against his defenses. As always, Arnold preferred the offensive, and since Daniel Morgan and his men were also at Saratoga, Arnold wanted to attack Burgoyne and disrupt their plans/formations and create chaos . . . chaos that would lead to victory and glory for Arnold.

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     Gates had become sick of hearing about Arnold's heroism and bravery, and he no longer invited Arnold to strategy meetings. Gates' defensive strategy would be the equivalent of a head coach that was "playing not to lose" . . . it was exactly the strategy on which General Burgoyne was counting. At 10 am on 19 September 1777, Burgoyne's forces started hammering away with cannon fire at the defensive positions of the Northern Army. 
     Arnold urged Gates to not let the British get any closer; finally, mostly to just get Arnold away from him, Gates told Arnold to take 2000+ men and head to the battle. Arnold led his men to the fighting, and after being repulsed on his first charge, Morgan and his snipers started picking off British officers. The Americans and British went back-and-forth all afternoon; many later thought the fighting featured the most intense artillery/musket exchanges of the entire Revolutionary War. 
     Arnold sensed that victory was near, and asked Gates for reinforcements. Gates refused to do so, saying it was too risky; Arnold personally asked Gates to reconsider, and Gates still refused. Arnold continued to plead his case, and finally Gates sent 300+ men back with Arnold. Arnold told those near him that he would end the battle, but Gates heard his boast, and recalled Arnold to camp . . . Arnold heard the last sounds of battle that day standing just outside his tent.

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      Arnold's men fell back to the defensive lines, and Burgoyne was in control of the field; Burgoyne had 600+ casualties to approximately 300 for the Americans. Burgoyne and his staff tried to figure out what went wrong on their assault . . . they concluded that their failure was due to Arnold's actions and leadership. 
     At the same time, Gates was satisfied with his defensive strategy, and he made sure that his lines were more stout, since Burgoyne had lost many more men, and many of his best officers. Gates concluded that Burgoyne would have to attack with his weakened army, or head back to Canada; for Gates, it was all wine-and-roses at this point of the battle. True, Burgoyne was in a dangerous position, but he was expecting help. General Howe was supposed to head north from New York City, and General Barry St. Leger was to come in from the west. But Arnold had forced St. Leger to alter his plans at Fort Stanwix, and Howe chose instead to take Philadelphia, in part due to his hatred of Burgoyne, whom he outranked.

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     General George Washington's failure to keep the British from enforcing their will in Pennsylvania intensified pressure on the Northern Army at Saratoga. By that point, Gates and Arnold were beyond any reconciliation. Gates made no mention in his dispatches to Congress of Arnold's successful efforts in stopping Burgoyne, which was contrary to all military tradition. Arnold was stunned and insulted, and to make matters worse, Gates took Morgan and his men under his direct command, crippling Arnold's initiative in any future engagements. 
     None of what Gates did to Arnold made any military sense, but Gates was concerned that Arnold may do something stupid and reckless that may lead to defeat . . . his defeat. Or, perhaps worse yet, Arnold may do something crazy to win the battle and deny Gates his glory. Arnold confronted Gates, and Gates expertly needled Arnold to the point where Arnold demanded to join Washington in Pennsylvania. 
     Gates gladly wrote the pass for Arnold, but Arnold remained at Saratoga, and then raved when Major General Benjamin Lincoln (one of the five original major generals selected by Congress, and who Arnold actually out-ranked at that point) took command of his men. Gates told Arnold that if he interfered again he would be arrested . . . it was awkward for Arnold to remain, but he just couldn't leave the Battle of Saratoga.

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     By early-October, Gates had over 10,000 men to Burgoyne's 5000. Burgoyne was still in front of the American lines with only three weeks remaining of his provisions . . . yet on 7 October 1777, Burgoyne made his move. General James Wilkinson advised Gates to attack Burgoyne with Morgan and his men, a comment which Arnold overheard. Gates noticed that Arnold was eavesdropping, and ordered him back to his tent. 
     Arnold couldn't stand the situation any longer, and he mounted a horse and rode around the camp, then he spurred his horse towards the sound of the battle, shouting "Victory or Death" . . . Gates ordered Arnold to be brought back to camp. Soldiers cheered when they saw Arnold heading their way, and cheered even louder when Arnold took command on the field. The men had no idea that Arnold did so without the authority of General Horatio Gates.

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       Gates was no longer in control of the battle; Arnold led charges against one of the British redoubts (small fort-like defenses) in order to outflank Burgoyne. Arnold led charge-after-charge, and then realized that he had been attacking the stronger of the two redoubts. Then Arnold did something extreme, even for him: Arnold dodged fire between enemy lines for 120 yards, reaching the Americans in front of the weaker redoubt to the north.
     Arnold then led charges on that position, until he felt a musket ball slice through his left leg, and the leg splintered under the weight of his falling horse. Arnold ordered his men to continue the charge, and from the ground, with his left leg shattered, he saw the decisive victory come to pass that he had longed for during the last three years (during the fighting on 7 October, British General Simon Fraser was shot and killed; he had kept the British focused, organized, and inspired . . . it was possible that Arnold was targeted as a result of Fraser's death).

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     Arnold's men jury-rigged a conveyance for Arnold; it was at that point that a messenger from Gates told Arnold that he was to return to camp before doing "some rash thing". Arnold was asked where he was hit, and Arnold responded that it was the same leg that was injured at Quebec (in 1775), but "I wish it had been my heart". 
     Arnold was not only shot in the left leg, but he also had a very serious compound fracture. Arnold refused to have the leg amputated, and his leg was put in a "fracture box", which was a tight wooden frame around his entire leg (a device that was still in use during the Civil War). Arnold was told by doctors that he would be bedridden on his back for several months. It was in this condition that Arnold followed the news from Saratoga. Burgoyne was outnumbered 3:1 by Gates, and surprisingly, Gates took the initiative, and attacked Burgoyne as he was retreating to Canada. On 17 October 1777, Burgoyne surrendered his 6000+ British and Hessian soldiers to Gates . . . it was by far the biggest event yet in the Revolutionary War.

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     Arnold trembled with rage, calling Gates 'the greatest poltroon (coward) in the world". Arnold didn't hear a thing from Gates, but there was plenty of news about Horatio Gates to read. Gates was the "Hero of Saratoga", and Arnold obsessed about the unfair cruelty of it all. In mid-December 1777, Congress granted Arnold the seniority he had long desired, but Arnold didn't feel "restored". 
    





  
   




          

     
 
     Congress, like Gates, was silent about Arnold's role at Saratoga. In mid-January 1778, Washington sent Arnold a letter of congratulations, and inquired about his health and his ability to return to duty. Arnold had muscle damage so severe in his left leg that they shrank as they healed, leaving his left leg two inches shorter than his right . . . his doctors didn't think that Arnold would ever walk again . . . or would even want to walk again. Up to this point in time, Arnold was always able to redouble his efforts and try again to achieve the glory that kept eluding him. But in his current physical and mental state, he didn't think there would ever be a "next time" . . . the seeds for treason were sown . . . 

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Benedict Arnold: Before Saratoga, 4 January - 24 August 1777

4/22/2016

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       Source: Steve Sheinkin. The Notorious Benedict Arnold - A True
                            Story of Adventure, Heroism, and Treachery (2010)          
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     After the Battle at Valcour Island in October 1776, Benedict Arnold was back in New Haven, Connecticut by January 1777. Arnold loved reading the positive press about his exploits; he felt honored when he read that the British thought it was a shame that he wasn't captured, since he was the most "enterprising" of the rebels. Arnold was no longer the one in New Haven being negatively judged; those that had been doing so were coming by, uninvited, to congratulate him, ask about him, and wish him well. 
     Arnold was also well-received in Boston, and was invited to a party hosted by Washington's Commander of the Artillery, Henry Knox. But soon, Arnold heard less-than-stellar opinions of his recent military action. Some said that Arnold had behaved rashly, and only cared for personal glory . . . and some even said that Arnold was an "Evil Genius".

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     In Philadelphia, the Continental Congress had become tired of seeing generals being treated as celebrities and/or idols; John Adams and many of the other members of Congress didn't want the military to overshadow the true heroes of the Revolution . . . themselves. Washington submitted a request to Congress for five new major generals. General Washington left the decision to Congress (for political reasons); Congress was itching to show the Commander of the Continental Army who was actually in charge.
     The selections for the major generals by Congress featured none of the men Washington wanted. Arnold had been passed over, which upset Washington, in that Arnold had more seniority/rank than those chosen. General Washington knew that Arnold would miss the politics of the decision, and take the result as a personal insult, and would most likely resign. Washington wrote Arnold, telling him that the selections were based on politics and sectionalism, not merit. But Arnold believed that the stories told by his enemies were the reason why he wasn't promoted. Arnold was at home, feeling besieged by bitter enemies, with idle time on his hands, and experiencing more periods of gout. But the Revolutionary War saved Arnold; on 25 April 1777, Benedict Arnold was awakened at 3 am by militiamen pounding on his door.

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      General Arnold was told that the British were raiding their beloved Connecticut, and were slashing/burning their way in the direction of Danbury. Arnold rode 20 miles, and when he saw the 2000+ Redcoats moving back to Long Island, Arnold decided to attack with only 500 men. Arnold placed his men on the road the British would soon use on their route back to New York. Riding back-and-forth between positions, Arnold's horse was shot out from under him (At least 9 Redcoats fired at him). Arnold's leg was trapped underneath his felled horse, but he was able to kill an approaching Redcoat with a single shot of his pistol. 
     Arnold freed himself and took off on foot across a swamp, fired on repeatedly until he was able to reach the cover of the woods. At least two shots went through Arnold's hat . . . once again, the British were impressed. Congress, after hearing about Arnold's actions, promoted Arnold to Major General . . . but the original five major generals still outranked Arnold. Once again, Arnold felt slighted, believing again that the attacks on his character were the reason why he didn't receive the promotion he felt he deserved.

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      The worst of the anti-Arnold rumors were still those concerning Montreal, where Arnold was accused of stealing provisions for retreating soldiers after Quebec in 1775. Arnold was determined to go to Philadelphia in order to convince Congress to give him seniority over the original five major generals; Washington knew no good could come of Arnold's efforts. On 19 May 1777, Arnold made his case to Congress; Arnold's lack of political skills/tact hurt him badly. Arnold's sincere appeal quickly turned to angry whining . . . Arnold received a new horse, but no advancement in rank/seniority. 
     Arnold stayed in Philadelphia to lobby for the desired rank/seniority nonetheless; larger political issues meant nothing to Arnold . . . to him, everything was personal. After weeks of fruitless efforts, Arnold finally gave up, and on 10 July 1777, Arnold wrote his resignation, and delivered it to Congress the next day. Congress received another letter on 11 July 1777 from Washington, notifying them that the British had started their attack from Canada, and were threatening to take the Hudson River (to Washington and many others, if the "Line of the Hudson" was taken by the British, the war would be lost). 
     Washington wrote additional letters to Congress, inquiring about Arnold's status, and saying that he wanted Arnold to head north. Congress asked Arnold to set aside his resignation and hurry to Washington's headquarters . . . both parties were glad to be rid of each other.

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      Arnold reached Washington's headquarters on 17 July 1777. Washington told Arnold that this time, the British were in greater force than in 1776. Fort Ticonderoga had been retaken by General Burgoyne, and his army was heading towards the Hudson River. Washington told Arnold to head north and help General Philip Schuyler deal with Burgoyne. 
     In early-August 1777, General Schuyler called his top Northern Army officers to a council of war. The Northern Army had about 6000 men, but half were sick; Burgoyne was advancing with 8000+ men, but slowly. And, to make matters worse, Lt. Colonel Barry St. Leger (promoted to Brevet General for that campaign) was coming from the west with 750 Redcoats and over 1000 Mohawks. Most generals advised Schuyler to keep the army in one piece, and forget about defending Stanwix. 
     Arnold told Schuyler that he should divide his army, sending troops to reinforce (or to rescue) those at Fort Stanwix, and Schuyler agreed. Schuyler then asked who would lead the force to Stanwix, and nobody responded, not even Arnold. An angry Schuyler then stated he would lead the force, and asked who would be his #2 general . . . Arnold was the only general that offered to go with Schuyler to Fort Stanwix.

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     The goal was to keep St. Leger's forces from getting anywhere near the Hudson River. On 21 August 1777, Arnold, who was on-point, neared Fort Stanwix, and confirmed that St. Leger was at least twice his strength. Arnold wanted to attack, but agreed to wait for reinforcements; Arnold wanted happier officers under his command, for at least the time-being.
     But Arnold had a trick up his sleeve; instead of shooting a suspected traitor named Hon Yost Schuyler (who was actually a Loyalist working for St. Leger), he ordered Yost Schuyler's coat to be shot-up. Then, beholden to Arnold for his life, Arnold had Yost Schuyler head to Fort Stanwix. Yost Schuyler was captured, and he told the Mohawks that he had barely escaped with his life eluding an American army that numbered over 2000. The Mohawks wanted to leave anyway, and they now had their excuse; as the Mohawks prepared to leave, they must have enjoyed scaring the devil out of the British - terrified Redcoats ran to the woods. St. Leger had no choice but to retreat to Lake Ontario, 70 miles away. On 24 August 1777, Arnold arrived at Fort Stanwix, solidifying American possession of the area. An aggressive-yet-tricky General Arnold had succeeded in keeping St. Leger's force from reaching the Hudson River from the west, which would be crucial in the Battle of Saratoga in September/October of 1777 (pictured above: the British overall strategic plan on taking the "Line of the Hudson" with 3 armies . . . St. Leger had only reached Fort Ticonderoga when Burgoyne surrendered his army near Saratoga on 17 October 1777).

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Benedict Arnold: The Hero of the Battle of Valcour Island (1776)

4/17/2016

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       Source: Steve Sheinkin. The Notorious Benedict Arnold - A True
                           Story of Adventure, Heroism, and Treachery (2010)
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      Benedict Arnold was already an American Colonial hero by the Summer of 1776. In 1775, he (with Ethan Allen and his Green Mountain Boys) had taken Fort Ticonderoga on Lake Champlain from the British for the 100+ cannon. And later that year, Arnold and hundreds volunteers from the Continental Army experienced incredible hardships just getting to the fort at Quebec on the St. Lawrence River, and actually entered the fort before being forced out by a much larger British contingent. A wounded Arnold was the last American officer to vacate the area after it became clear a retreat was necessary.
     Benedict Arnold's life to that point featured periods of hard work and achievements that were interrupted by outbursts of temper . . . politics and subtlety were not among his strengths. Arnold saw the Revolutionary War as a chance to wipe out the negativity that had surrounded the Arnold family name in New Haven, CT, and to soar above those that dared to judge him . . . in short, Benedict Arnold sought immortality.

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      During the Summer of 1776, a meeting of officers from the Northern Continental Army took place. General Philip Schuyler was in overall command, with General Horatio Gates second-in-command. General Arnold (who was still beyond-upset that he wasn't one of the highest-ranking generals in the entire Continental Army) reviewed the situation facing them on Lake Champlain. Arnold told his fellow officers that the British were regrouping at St. John's in the northern area of the lake, and had rebuilt its fleet, and were ready to head south past the lake to the Hudson River all the way to New York City. 
​     Arnold stated that the British fleet must be stopped in Lake Champlain, and to do so meant building an American fleet. Arnold proposed building boats that would be smaller than the British ships, and with fewer guns, but more maneuverable. Since no general really knew what to do, Schuyler gave Arnold command of the American fleet on Lake Champlain; the other generals were glad to have Arnold have the responsibility, since he would have to take the blame when the fleet was crushed by the British. Arnold was given the title of "Commander of the Lakes", and as he started to build America's first fleet of ships, news of the Declaration of Independence reached their location in Upstate New York.
 

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      General Arnold was under a lot of pressure in Lake Champlain, especially when he heard of the near-capture of Washington's Army just outside of New York City. Arnold kept crews working around-the-clock, but the construction of the fleet was still going too slowly. Arnold needed more of everything, including sailors for the ships. Arnold, tactless as always, went above Gates to Schuyler, demanding what was needed. Schuyler was already suspicious and distrustful of Gates, and Gates coveted Schuyler's command, and so Arnold's actions increased the tensions among those two generals (and Arnold didn't do any favors for himself with Gates, especially)
    While trying to build the fleet (pictured: a drawing depicting the construction of one of the ships in Arnold's fleet), Arnold had to defend himself in a military inquiry. In Canada, the supplies he arranged for the retreating troops from Quebec were not properly guarded, and Arnold had dressed-down the officer in charge in front of others. That officer then spread false rumors that Arnold had obtained the supplies by stealing them Montreal. Arnold had to spend a week defending himself in court rather than building the fleet; Arnold refused to apologize to the judges for his behavior, and even challenged all of the judges to individual duels. Frightened, the court asked Gates to have Arnold placed under arrest; Gates couldn't spare Arnold, and he subsequently dissolved the panel of inquiry. General Gates actually stood up for Arnold in this situation, but he never forgot that Arnold went over his head to Schuyler.

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      By September 1776, Arnold's spies were sure that Britain's fleet would move south on Lake Champlain in October. Again, Arnold asked Gates for more of everything, and Gates told Arnold to use what he already had in his possession. At that point, it dawned on Arnold that he was being set up for failure, and then to be blamed. Arnold knew he couldn't slug it out with the British fleet ship-to-ship, so he had to come up with another strategy. Arnold moved his just-constructed fleet behind Valcour Island so the British, as they moved down Lake Champlain, would not see any American ships. General Guy Carleton, the commander of the British fleet, overheard one of his captains lamenting the fact that the Americans were nowhere in sight; Carleton, who was very familiar with Arnold's courage and boldness, told his captain, "wait and see".
    The Battle of Valcour Island started on 11 October 1776. Arnold arranged his fleet of 15 small ships in an arc, hiding in the narrow channel between Valcour Island and the main shore of Lake Champlain. Arnold prepared his 800 men on 15 ships to engage 34 British ships of various sizes that had at least 700 men. Arnold hoped that the British fleet would sail past his position, and when they spotted the American fleet, the British would need to turn around. At that point, the wind would be against them in order to get to the channel were the American fleet was located . . . that was the moment that Arnold wanted to attack. But, if the wind changed direction, the American fleet would be floating in a death trap.

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      The British fleet approached Valcour Island without any scouting vessels, and cruised past the island in an overconfident manner; the British eventually spotted the American fleet when they had sailed south past the island. The wind remained in Arnold's favor; now Arnold needed to lure the British into battle very quickly before they had time to adjust strategy/tactics. Arnold and his fleet darted forward and opened fire; Arnold continued to bark out orders even though the battle didn't start out well for the Americans.
     General Carleton was shaken; this wasn't the battle he had envisioned. The battle raged all afternoon, and as the sun started to set, the superior British firepower began to dominate. The British set in for the night, blocking the American fleet in the channel, and were content to wait until the next morning to finish off the stubborn smaller fleet. Arnold had three options: first, he could stay and fight, which was madness. Second, he could surrender, but to Arnold that wasn't an option worth even considering. So it would be the third option; the British had left a small gap between their line of ships and the shore. Arnold knew the area well, and he knew the gap had water deep enough for his ships to navigate their way through . . . Arnold's plan was for a "Midnight Escape".

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      The night was dark and moonless; shirts were wrapped around the oars, and the American fleet rowed through the gap without being discovered . . . and as at Quebec, Arnold was the last to leave (on his flagship, the Congress). Again, the British were very surprised the next morning; General Carleton was in a rage, largely to cover his own embarrassment at being outfoxed. Carleton gave the order to chase-down the American fleet. Arnold had an eight mile head start, but even so, it would be a close race to the closest American fort at Crown Point. If Arnold could reach the protection of the fort's guns, he would be safe . . . but he was twenty miles away, and the British fleet was closing fast.
     The British fleet caught up with Arnold's ships at noon on 12 October 1776; the American fleet was rowing for their lives as the British fired, and hit some of the American vessels. Again, Arnold's knowledge of the lake paid off in that he knew he was approaching a shallow rocky bay where the British couldn't follow. Arnold headed into the shallow bay, and ordered his men out of the boats on to the shore, carrying the wounded and setting the fleet on fire. The fire reached the powder kegs on each ship, and there were many explosions, which shielded the men as they made their escape on land.  Arnold and his men were still ten miles from the fort at Crown Point, but they reached the fort that night . . . and found out that the army had abandoned the fort and had retreated to Fort Ticonderoga.

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     Arnold and his men reached Ticonderoga at 4 am on 13 October 1776. The American forces at Ticonderoga knew they didn't have enough firepower to hold against a British onslaught. It wasn't until  28 October 1776 that Carleton's fleet was spotted; Carleton had no idea of the strength of the fort's defenses, and his supply lines from Canada had become dangerously long and vulnerable . . . also, Carleton's fleet had taken an unexpected pounding from Arnold's ships.
     Carleton decided that he had enough for one season, and while claiming two victories, he had failed to drive off the Americans from Lake Champlain. The British would have to start all over the next year; if the British had forced the Americans from the lake, and had moved down the Hudson to join the huge British force in NYC, the Revolutionary War would most likely have ended. General Gates and the Americans under his command at Fort Ticonderoga watched the British fleet disappear in the distance . . . Arnold's little navy was destroyed, but that tiny fleet had kept the American Revolution alive.

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The Election of 1800: The Real Story of the "Peaceful Revolution"

12/1/2015

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     Source: Andrew Burstein & Nancy Isenberg. Madison and Jefferson (2013)
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     The battle lines were set for the Election of 1800: to the Federalists, if Thomas Jefferson became President, it would be a government of "Experiment" instead of "Order". To Republicans, Federalist "Order" had slaughtered Liberty; political rancor was at a fever pitch. 
     As far as the Republicans were concerned, Jefferson was the only one that could defeat President John Adams, but to do so, Jefferson needed the New York Electors, especially since Pennsylvania's Electors had proven to be unpredictable in 1796. Jefferson and James Madison did the math: New York was the key to winning the Election of 1800, and Aaron Burr was the agent to deliver the state's Electors. Burr succeeded in outmaneuvering his rival, Alexander Hamilton, in New York City, making sure candidates loyal to him prevailed in the 13 NYC Assembly elections. Those men would select the state's 12 Electors, which would vote for Jefferson (Hamilton petitioned Governor Clinton to overturn the results of a fair election . . . he wasn't a very good loser).  
     Burr's efforts convinced Virginia's 21 Electors that he should be Jefferson's running mate. Virginia was one of the first states to adopt the "Winner-Take-All" strategy for their Electors (only Nebraska and Maine do not do so today), so therefore Jefferson and Burr secured all 42 of Virginia's Electoral Votes (each Elector cast two ballots for President until the 12th Amendment). In order to try and gain as many Electoral votes as possible in Northern states, the Republicans touted Jefferson as the primary author of the Declaration of Independence, which was not widely known until the end of the century. Federalists countered that Jefferson did indeed write the document, but he was not the author, only the "recorder" of the ideas of others in an effort to minimize any Republican advantage.

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     By October 1800, Alexander Hamilton was less powerful than at any time before George     Washington was President. Hamilton tried to make his political comeback by attacking President John Adams in a 54 page pamphlet (he was embittered largely due to being thwarted by Adams in his pursuit of becoming the commander of the newly created Provisional Army). Hamilton attacked Adams in the pamphlet, and let it be known that he preferred and supported Charles Cotesworth Pinckney of South Carolina as the Federalist candidate for President.
     There was not an Election Day for a popular vote in 1800 (the first such Presidential election that featured a meaningful popular vote occurred in 1824); the Electors voted on 3 December 1800 for President and Vice-President. The states that voted a "Straight Ticket" selected Jefferson with one Electoral vote, and Burr with the other vote. In the states that split their Electoral vote between the two parties, Jefferson and Burr received an equal number (again, each of an Elector's two votes was a vote for President in 1800).
     In South Carolina, Thomas Pinckney (Cotesworth Pinckney's cousin, not his famous brother), worked to hand the state's Electors to Jefferson and Burr. It was arranged during this wheeling-and-dealing that one Electoral vote was to be withheld from Burr in South Carolina, thereby avoiding an unnecessary (and embarrassing) tie. However, either the Elector chosen for the "honor" of doing so failed to properly cast his ballot, or the whole endeavor was inadequately organized and communicated. Republican unity proved greater than practical calculations in other states as well as South Carolina, and as a result, Jefferson and Burr each received 73 Electoral votes.

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      Federalists had dominated Congress for the previous six years, but after the Election of 1800, 2/3's of the House of Representatives would be Republicans . . . but the 7th Congress wouldn't convene until 7 December 1801, nine months after Inauguration Day. It was in the Lame Duck Federalist-controlled House that the Election of 1800 would be decided, and the Federalists (especially the Hamiltonian "High Federalists") made every effort to sabotage the process of electing a new President. (Below: the Electoral College results for the Election of 1800 - notice how the Federalists were able to avoid a tie between Adams & Pinckney; an Elector from Rhode Island cast an Electoral vote for New York's John Jay)
     Many Federalists (especially the "High Federalists") were willing to reverse the intended order of the Republicans for President, and tried to elect Burr; these Federalists also entertained the idea of delaying the process until after Inauguration Day. Jefferson thought that a candid conversation with Adams would help resolve the impasse in the House, but Madison (Jefferson's de facto campaign manager in 1796 & 1800) advised him not to do so, in that a conversation with Adams could easily be misconstrued and backfire for the Republicans. 

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     Contrary to popular history (which is often too accepting of historical hearsay as credible evidence), Jefferson and Madison held no hard feelings towards Burr at this time in terms of any illicit behavior towards them or the Republicans. The main factor why Burr was attractive to many Federalists was that he was a New Yorker, not a Virginian. Burr stayed away from the capital during the scurrilous hoo-haw, not wanting to get directly entangled in the political morass. 
     James Bayard, the lone representative from Delaware, could have ended the election in the House on the first ballot, since he was the lone representative from his state. If Bayard had voted for Jefferson on the first ballot, the election in the House would have been over, but Bayard deeply resented the Planter Class, and cast his ballot for Burr. The results of the first ballot in the House were as follows: Jefferson had 8 states, Burr 6, and there were 2 undecided delegations . . . with all 16 states voting, Jefferson needed 9 states in order to become President.

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     Bayard announced, after well over two dozen ballots, that he would abstain from voting, since he was assured by a Virginia Republican he respected that Jefferson would continue Federalist fiscal policies if elected. The "High Federalists" freaked-out, since Bayard's abstention meant that Jefferson would become President with the 8 states he already had in his fold. Burr was the wildcard in the equation: Bayard was waiting to see if Burr would offer a better deal compared to Jefferson. A letter from Burr was received by Bayard, but the contents must have been less-than-satisfactory to Bayard and the other Federalists.
     On the 36th ballot, Bayard and members of the South Carolina delegation abstained, and with other movement among the Congressional delegations (Hamilton had convinced other Federalists that Jefferson was the "Lesser Evil" compared to Burr), Jefferson received 10 states to Burr's 4 (and with the two abstentions from DE & SC, all 16 states were on the record). Many of the Republicans believed that Burr was a schemer; to them in appeared that Burr made a play for President, and then failed to make a satisfactory deal with the Federalists (that may well have been true) . . . however, the true instigators of the "Nightmare in the House" were the outgoing Federalists.

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     Epilogue: On 4 March 1801, James Madison was unable to attend Jefferson's Inauguration since his father had recently died. Albert Gallatin (pictured: the statue of Albert Gallatin in front of the Treasury Building in Washington, D.C.), who had been a thorn in the side of the Federalists in the House for nearly a decade, was confirmed as Secretary of the Treasury when the Senate convened in December. Gallatin became Jefferson's most influential adviser, convincing the 3rd President to reduce federal spending, with the most obvious cuts to the Navy (Gallatin would serve in the Cabinet for both Jefferson and Madison). 
     Madison was unanimously confirmed as Secretary of State, even though he had never left the shores of America; SecState in the early decades after the Constitution was considered the stepping-stone to the Presidency (Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, John Quincy Adams, and Martin Van Buren all served as SecState before going to the White House).
     Soon, John Marshall would be #1 on Jefferson's "Enemies List", replacing Patrick Henry (who died in 1799) and Alexander Hamilton (who was no longer a threat). Marshall was not only a Federalist, but also a popular Virginian, which presented two threats as far as Jefferson was concerned (Marshall and Jefferson were also second cousins). By the time Jefferson was sworn in as President, Marshall had made the transition from being John Adams' last Secretary of State to the 4th Chief Justice of the Supreme Court . . . Marshall would soon show that he was not afraid to flex his legal muscles in interpreting Executive and Legislative decisions in relation to the Constitution as Chief Justice (1801 - 1835), most famously in Marbury v. Madison in 1803.

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Thomas Jefferson's Last Year as Secretary of State: 1793

11/25/2015

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     Source: Andrew Burstein & Nancy Isenberg. Madison and Jefferson (2013)
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     In January of 1793, King Louis XVI of France was guillotined (pictured), and the Jacobins took control, ending the initial relatively-liberal phase of the French Revolution. In February 1793, Great Britain was officially added to France's list of belligerent nations. Also by that point in France, aristocracy had become a crime, and civil rights were ignored . . . it was the beginning of the "Reign of Terror". Even after the execution and subsequent "Reign of Terror", many Americans had high-hopes for the
French Revolution. 

     Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson was a supporter of the Jacobins, and really didn't believe the reports he received of the nightmarish violence in France. Jefferson, in a letter to James Madison, wrote that he would rather have "half the Earth desolated" than see the French Revolution fail. Even before 1793, Jefferson had linked the success of the French Revolution (what he thought was going on, anyway) with the success or failure of of his vision of America (Jefferson envisioned an Agrarian nation, with virtuous farmers as the backbone of America under a relatively weak central government).

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     In a precursor to the Monroe Doctrine, President Washington, Secretary of State Jefferson, Secretary of the Treasury Hamilton, and the Leader of the House of Representatives, James Madison, all agreed to provide military and financial assistance to whites in St. Domingue (Haiti). A massive African slave uprising on the island presented a problem, in that most of America's coffee and sugar came from St. Domingue, but more importantly, Washington, et. al. wanted Great Britain to stay out of that part of the Caribbean, for reasons of hemispheric security.
     While Jefferson and Madison were united w/ Washington and Hamilton concerning St. Domingue, they differed on France. Washington's decision to remain neutral in regards to the French Revolution signified to Jefferson that Hamilton had entered the sphere of foreign policy. In April 1793,         Charles-Edmond Genet arrived in South Carolina; in quick order, this "Undiplomatic Diplomat" alienated and angered Jefferson, in that Genet proposed that U.S. ports be used for the needs of the French navy. Jefferson viewed Genet as all imagination with no judgment, as well as disrespectful (especially to Washington) and dictatorial. 

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     Jefferson tired of the hostile environment in the Cabinet; he abhorred conflict in his presence. Jefferson told Washington that he intended to resign as SecState on 30 September, 1793; when Jefferson wrote Madison about his intention to resign, Madison, in essence, told him to "suck it up". Jefferson responded that he felt that he had more than paid his debt in terms of public service . . . Jefferson was playing the part of a wounded, wronged victim.
     One reason why Jefferson had reached his limit serving in Washington's Cabinet is that Alexander Hamilton meddled in the affairs of every department without apology. To Jefferson (and many others that worked with/around him), Hamilton was not a team player; in Hamilton's mind, he always knew best, and did what he wanted, most likely totally unaware of how his behavior was viewed by others.

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     President Washington was in a tough spot, in that he never would have agreed to a second term in office if he had known that Jefferson (and then Hamilton) would resign their posts early; it would be nearly-impossible to find replacements with the requisite skills and brainpower. Jefferson wanted to end his time as SecState not only because of Hamilton, but also due to perceived slights from a fellow Virginian, Attorney General Edmund Randolph.
     According to Jefferson, Randolph didn't back him during his face-to-face tirade (a very rare display of temper) in a Cabinet meeting that was directed at Hamilton. To Jefferson, Randolph was a chameleon that changed his colors depending on the people who were around him. Actually, Jefferson was upset that Randolph didn't agree with him 100% of the time. This unrealistic expectation/perspective was mostly likely due to Jefferson's belief that Randolph was somehow interfering with his political war against Hamilton. 
     Added to Jefferson's travails was that Genet was still on the loose, doing everything he could to circumvent SecState Jefferson to pressure Washington to directly aid France. So dangerous did Genet become to Washington and his Cabinet that a memorandum was sent to Paris demanding that the government (what there was of it) recall Genet. When           Robespierre came to power in France, Genet was recalled; Genet then asked Washington for asylum (Robespierre's directive was to send Genet back "in chains"). Washington graciously granted Genet's request, and Genet went to New York, married a member of the Clinton family (he was Governor), and lived the rest of his life in peaceful obscurity, never returning to France.

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      During August/September in 1793, a Yellow Fever epidemic hit the 30,000 inhabitants of Philadelphia. Philadelphia hadn't experienced a Yellow Fever attack in 30 years, and the scale of this epidemic was unprecedented; nearly half of the city's population fled to the country-side, including President Washington. Several thousand died, including John Todd; his widow was Dolley, who would be in short order would be marry James Madison. 
     Approximately half of those that contracted Yellow Fever died, yet Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson refused to leave the city. Jefferson caught news that Hamilton had the fever, and he wrote Madison about what the SecTreas was going through with undisguised glee. In the same letter, Jefferson also speculated that Hamilton may be healthy, and using the epidemic as a ruse to build up sympathy and support for himself and his policies. 
     Hamilton, in fact, had contracted Yellow Fever, had barely survived, and was on the road to recovery when Jefferson had written his letter to Madison. Jefferson, after having "made his point" by being the only member of the Executive branch that chose to stay in Philadelphia and remained healthy during the scourge, left for Montpelier (Madison's home) in mid-September 1793. There, Jefferson, Madison, and James Monroe met to discuss their strategy in regards to Hamilton and the Federalists.

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      In 1793, Democratic-Republican (D-R) Societies started to form and spread throughout the nation; they were akin to the Committees of Correspondence before the American Revolution.
While not directed by Jefferson or Madison, the D-R Societies were all critical of Hamilton and his goals/policies (Also in 1793, New York became the most populous city with 33,000, surpassing Philadelphia). 
     Jefferson's & Madison's Republican Party and Hamilton's Federalist Party (they actually hadn't started to use that name for their party yet . . . anti-Republican was often used) both claimed legitimacy while labeling the other as a "Faction". The Federalists (and even Washington) went so far as to blame the D-R Societies for causing the Whiskey Rebellion of 1794 (pictured above). In the last quarter of 1793, Jefferson submitted his resignation as Secretary of State to President Washington, which would take effect on 31 December 1793; Washington reluctantly accepted Jefferson's resignation on 1 January 1794.  Thomas Jefferson
retreated to Monticello, and waited for "The Call" from his party to return to the fray when the political landscape was more favorable.

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James Madison & the Constitutional Convention (May-Sept, 1787)

11/13/2015

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     Source: Andrew Burstein & Nancy Isenberg. Madison and Jefferson (2013)
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     James Madison and the Virginia delegation were ready for the Constitutional Convention to begin in early-May, 1787, but there was a problem: there weren't enough state delegations in Philadelphia to start the convention. Finally, on 25 May 1787, seven state delegations were present, which was enough to organize the convention. George Washington (a member of the VA delegation) was unanimously selected the President of the Convention "una voca" (by a voice vote). 
     Shays' Rebellion (pictured above is a depiction of the fire-fight at the Springfield Arsenal in early-1787) was still not only a fresh memory, but it had hit a nerve on the 50+ delegates, in that it raised the specter of class warfare in America (e.g. all the Massachusetts politicians that supported the tax increases and military response to the rebellion were voted out of office). To
James Madison, Shays' Rebellion was a major symptom of what was wrong with the Articles of Confederation (A of C). 
And, to Madison's absolute horror, some of the rebels even won elected office in Massachusetts.
​     The delegates at the Constitutional Convention hated paper money, and most, if not all, saw massive government debt as a catalyst that could cause social upheaval. For the delegates, a new government was needed to protect property, raise desperately needed revenue, and most of all to Madison, discipline rogue state legislatures.

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      If Roger Sherman (Connecticut, pictured) was the true maestro of the Constitutional Convention, then James Madison was the frustrated rival composer; as brilliant as Madison was, Sherman constantly bested him in terms of strategy and parliamentary procedure. To start, Sherman was able to pass a motion in which all 12 delegations (Rhode Island boycotted the convention) were given equal weight, as in all previous conventions, and in the A of C . . . Madison reluctantly agreed, in that he didn't want to immediately alienate smaller states.
     The most difficult aspect of the convention to enforce was preserving the secrecy of the proceedings. It was decided that nothing could be published or discussed with non-delegates; even correspondence (letters) were included. On 29 May 1787, Edmund Randolph (Governor of VA, and the "Voice" of the VA delegation) was the first speaker. Randolph focused on the need for greater national security against a foreign invasion. Then, after presenting a mild persona, he introduced the Virginia Plan to the Constitutional Convention.

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  The VA Plan featured a bicameral legislature, with both houses based on representation (or wealth). Those in the House of Representatives would be elected directly by eligible voters, and then the House would elect the members of the Senate (from nominations from state legislatures). To Madison (pictured from a drawing completed during the Constitutional Convention), the most important aspect of his VA Plan was the "Absolute Negative", where the Senate could negate any nefarious actions of what he considered "rogue" state legislatures. But Madison was not only frustrated by Sherman, but also by his fellow VA delegates George Mason and Edmund Randolph, in that they succeeded in noticeably reducing Madison's "Absolute Negative". 
     The VA Plan also had members of the Executive and Judicial branches chosen by Congress; the Chief Executive would serve a single term. Madison also insisted that Ratification of the future Constitution be conducted by specially-called state conventions, rather than state legislatures. One of Madison's main goals of the convention was to limit the influence of state legislatures on national policy.

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       Under the Virginia Plan, states could only submit nominations to the House for Senators; Madison counted on a coalition of Southern states and large Northern states for passage . . . then delegates from Delaware, Connecticut, and New Jersey started to whittle away at the VA Plan. Delaware threatened to leave the convention; only the cajoling of fellow small-state delegations kept them in Philadelphia. Sherman introduced a plan in which the state legislatures would select members of the Senate (that proposal would eventually become part of the Constitution, which was eventually canceled by the 17th Amendment, which provided for the direct election of Senators). 
     The VA Plan's major weakness was that it only addressed the "shenanigans" of the state legislatures to the proposed national government; there was no reciprocal protection for the states against the national government. Also, under the VA Plan, Delaware would have a 1/90th share of representation, while Virginia and Pennsylvania combined would have 1/3.
​     Madison's main problem at this point in the convention was his lack of sympathy for the small states. He viewed states such as Rhode Island as holding the interests of the nation, and especially those of Virginia, hostage in the A of C. But what was really eroding Madison's influence in the convention was his insistence on his "Absolute Negative" (which would make the Senate the ultimate authority under the Constitution, able to discipline state legislatures); despite, or perhaps in spite of, his constant insistence, the "Absolute Negative" proposal was defeated 7 to 3. 

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     On 19 June 1787, the New Jersey Plan (which basically wanted the A of C to continue) was voted down, but the significant end result of the vote was that Madison's VA Plan coalition was destroyed. On 29 June 1787, Oliver Ellsworth (CT, pictured) proposed that the House of Representatives be based on population, but that the Senate would be based on equal representation. Also, in what would become the Connecticut (or Great) Compromise, 3/5's of the African slave population in the South would be counted for representation in the House (that was not a new idea; it was originally proposed in 1783). 
     What was new was a proposal that the Southern states pay taxes on 3/5's of their African slave population for representation, which was mostly posturing since no one at the convention really anticipated any meaningful revenue from the new tax. On 16 July 1787, the Connecticut Compromise was adopted; the VA Plan coalition met, but it was clear that all their momentum was lost. 
     After all his preparation for the convention, Madison had seen most of his ideas rejected in only six weeks. To Madison, the worst development was that Senators would be the pawns of the state legislatures. Some delegates left the Constitutional Convention after the Connecticut Compromise, but not Madison, who regrouped and refocused his efforts. For the remainder of the convention, Madison did his best to reduce the power of the Senate. Madison looked to the House, and the Executive & Judicial branches to diffuse the power of the proposed Senate.

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      Discussion then drifted toward electing the President, and again, Electors were brought up in the debate. General agreement existed among Southern delegates that a direct election would favor Northern states. In September 1787, it was decided that the President would serve a four-year term, and would be eligible for re-elections. Also, it was decided that Electors in each state would be determined by the state legislature, and that each would cast two votes. And, if there was no majority reached in the Electoral Vote, the Senate would decide the election among the top 5 that received votes.
    To Madison, that meant that too much power rested in the Senate; ironically, it was Sherman's revision that suggested that the House of Representatives decide the Presidential Election if the Electors could not, with each state's Congressional delegation counting as one vote . . . Sherman's revision passed by a vote of 10 to 1 (pictured: a dramatization of the Signing of the Constitution).
     Madison now focused his attention and energies on vesting as much power as possible in the Executive, based on what had been decided in the convention. To Madison, the Presidential veto represented at least partial success for his defeated "Absolute Negative". However, Madison failed in his attempt to require a 3/4's majority in both houses of Congress to override a veto . . . he had to be satisfied with a 2/3's majority. But Madison was pleased that the President had more "latitude and discretion" than the other two branches.

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      Rufus King (MA) ignited the discussion of the Slave Trade; he was adamant that the convention end the practice. The Slave Trade Compromise was mostly crafted by a "Committee of Eleven", which included Madison. The committee's recommendation was that Congress should be prohibited from interfering with the Slave Trade until 1800 (but a duty on imported slaves was authorized; revenue was desired). The Lower South (NC, SC, & GA) held out until the year was extended to 1808 (keep in mind, African slavery was slowly ebbing away, due to the colossal expense, and no one at the convention could predict the impact of the Cotton Gin that was patented in 1793). Pictured: another depiction of the Signing of the Constitution
     George Mason and Edmund Randolph were so dispirited that they refused to sign the Constitution. Randolph wanted the state conventions empowered to add amendments, while Mason loudly called for a 2nd Constitutional Convention (Elbridge Gerry was the third delegate that was present on 17 September, 1787, that didn't sign). For those that did sign the Constitution, their experience was far more wearisome than glorious. Madison saw the President as the only vehicle in the Constitution that could be in line with Virginia's interests; Madison wanted to make sure that Virginia would remain the most preeminent state in the U.S.

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     The President of the Constitutional Convention, George Washington, didn't speak out until the end, when he asked for permission to address the convention. His reason for doing so was to officially favor the proposal that each representative in the House be based on 40,000 people, rather than 30,000. It was his way to tell the delegates that he supported the Constitution, and he expected them to fall in line with his stance. 
     Madison succeeded in having the A of C send copies of the proposed Constitution to each state without a direct endorsement, or offering any proposed amendments. Madison also stood firm that state conventions should ratify the Constitution, not the state legislatures. Madison wrote Jefferson (who was still in Paris), expressing anger and frustration with the convention; he thought that the new government was far-too weak . . . soon, Jefferson, and even Madison, would view the new federal government under the Constitution to be too powerful at the expense of the states, especially towards their beloved Virginia.

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Thomas Jefferson - "The Virginia Reformer" (Fall, 1776)

11/1/2015

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Source: Andrew Burstein & Nancy Isenberg. Madison and Jefferson (2013)
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      Thomas Jefferson felt like he was being held hostage in Philadelphia as a delegate to the 2nd Continental Congress in the spring and summer of 1776, in that he wanted to be in Virginia taking part in the creation of its constitution (he had no way of knowing the lasting impact of the Declaration of Independence at that point in time). On 3 September 1776, Jefferson was finally able to leave Philadelphia, and six days later he arrived at Monticello.
     Jefferson immediately assumed his seat in the newly-created House of Delegates under the Virginia Constitution (James Madison arrived in Williamsburg a week later). On 12 October, Jefferson introduced a motion to revise the laws of Virginia, focusing especially on criminal, religious, education, and property rights. 
     Jefferson was trying to empower the "Rising Generation" in Virginia, which to him meant the non-Tidewater Virginians, who held most of the property and power (The Tidewater region of Virginia dominated the state, and Williamsburg was the state capital; eventually, Jefferson would relocate the state capital to Richmond, in his Piedmont region of Virginia).  On 26 October, Jefferson's bill passed, and was sent to a special committee, which included, among others, George Mason). Jefferson's big idea was to transform Virginia's laws, making the state an "Enlightened Republic". 

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     Jefferson's conceit was that he wanted the other twelve (and future) states to pattern themselves after his vision of Virginia. TJ saw himself as a social engineer, and his laboratory was Virginia; his first priority in the Fall of 1776 was to disable laws that denied people their liberty, whether they were rich or poor.
     In order to accomplish that goal, TJ wanted to spread (diffuse) knowledge among the white population in Virginia: all Virginians should be able to acquire land, civilize the wilderness, to experience and benefit from self-government. TJ wanted to create an Agrarian Society that would nurture Anglo-Saxon virtues for a Republic. TJ's definition of a republic meant that a majority of freeholders (whites) would have a real stake in society and a voice in government.

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Reform #1: More Equitable Distribution of Lands
   TJ's first reform came under the heading of property law; he was trying to end the de facto system of feudalism in Virginia, which was labeled "Primogeniture" and "Entail". TJ believed that if so much land was in so few hands (especially the Tidewater Elite), African slavery would increase. Land reform was a very radical effort by TJ to socially and literally change the landscape of Virginia; to him land ownership was, at least in part, a "Zero Sum Game", in that if power was taken from the Tidewater region, more power should flow to his beloved Piedmont region of Virginia.
     By the Revolutionary War, most of Virginia's land was "entailed", which meant that lands were inherited generation after generation (10% of Virginia's population owned, through "entailing"  the land, the vast majority of the state). TJ wanted that land freed up for redistribution, which of course led to fierce resistance by the powerful Tidewater Elite.

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Reform #2: The Gradual Abolition of African Slavery
     This reform would be no easier for Jefferson to achieve. TJ saw African slavery as a deterrent to good manners, morals, and laws. Weakening the slaveholding oligarchy "entailed" more than land redistribution; it would require radical social engineering taking into account that no one in Virginia advocated mass emancipation . . . there was zero support for freeing African slaves OR allowing them to acquire citizenship rights. 
     TJ's goal was to reduce the African slave population, which he hoped would lead to its future extinction. Ending the African Slave Trade to Virginia seemed to be the best way to start his attempted reform, and TJ wanted to grant freedom to African slaves after five years of labor. TJ also supported the voluntary manumission (formal emancipation) of African slaves; his goal in the end was to "Whiten" the population of Virginia. TJ believed that racial homogeneity was essential for a society to prosper and flourish.
    Jefferson had enough of the "Dead Hands" of Virginia's long deceased gentry influencing life in Virginia. He also saw that the practice of "Primogeniture" and "Entail" affected African slaves as well, in that their future was set in a negative, oppressive fashion. To TJ, Virginia in 1776 was a corrupt and disfigured state, with various factions at war with each other. TJ viewed African slavery as a social contagion, but abolition of slavery would be an unreliable solution. Rather, exiling Free Blacks from Virginia would establish a racial quarantine, making Virginia safe for future (white) generations. 

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Reform #3: Universal Public Education + Reform of the Courts
     In Jefferson's view, education would suture the wounds created by the Tidewater aristocracy and African slavery. Education would transform the Virginia master class into an Enlightened Class with liberal, republican principles. TJ introduced Bill #79, which wanted primary schools for all free children, grammar schools for the more capable children, and college for the most gifted (those with genius and virtue). 
     
       TJ wanted the state to help subsidize the cost of his educational reforms, mostly the odds would increase that education wouldn't remain in the province of Virginia's Elite (this attitude would resurface in the 1790s and early 1800s with his battles with the Federalist Party . . . to TJ, the Federalists were unfit to rule since they were "corrupt"). Also, TJ wanted to weed out the poor lawyers in Virginia's county courts; he labeled them "insects" . . . in short, TJ wanted to create an Enlightened All-Male White Intellectual Guardian Class in his beloved state of Virginia.

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Reform #4: Limit the Power of the Anglican Church (The Church of England)
     In the Fall of 1776, Thomas Jefferson and James Madison were both on the Committee of Religion, which had a total of 17 members. They were only socially connected with each other at that point; they both knew an incredible array of prominent and powerful Virginians . . . it would take more interactions and time until they would discover that they were "Political Soul Mates". 
     TJ wanted to end what he termed "Spiritual Tyranny"; even with James Madison in support of creating an atmosphere of religious freedom (by reducing the power of the Anglican Church) in Virginia, powerful members of the Tidewater region blocked the bill in committee . . . the separation of Church and State 
would be delayed.

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George Washington: The Whiskey Rebellion and the Jay Treaty

9/4/2015

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                Source: Ron Chernow. Washington: A Life (2010)
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     In June 1793, The Royal Navy started intercepting neutral ships heading towards France (the French Revolution had started, and once again Britain was at war with France). Also, Great Britain started the practice of Impressment; in the process of boarding US ships looking for those (suspected / supposed) AWOL from the Royal Navy, British ships also kidnapped US sailors. A political firestorm swept across the U.S. as a result of these British actions.
     Yet Congress resisted creating a national standing army, again relying on state militias for collective security. President George Washington needed to send an emissary to Britain to try reduce the escalating tensions between the two nations through negotiations. GW's first choice was his Secretary of the Treasury, Alexander Hamilton, but he lacked the necessary credibility in order to be sent (he had paid a tremendous political cost in working most of his economic plan through Congress). GW then selected John Jay, the nation's first Chief Justice, and his selection was greeted with much hostility and opposition . . . but Washington stuck by Jay.

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    On 20 August 1794, the Battle at Fallen Timbers (near Toledo, Ohio) occurred; General "Mad Anthony" Wayne and 3500 troops soundly defeated a coalition of Native tribes (among them, a young Tecumseh). The U.S. victory largely ended Britain's influence with the dominant tribes in the region, ebbing (not ending) their power in the American Frontier. The reason Fallen Timbers needs to be mentioned is that General Wayne and his troops WERE the American standing army, and they had orders from President Washington to remain in the frontier. 
     In 1794, the Whiskey Rebellion occurred, which was not only the largest domestic uprising before the Civil War, but also the first time a federal law was enforced. Western Pennsylvanians were beyond-incensed with SecTreas Hamilton's excise tax on whiskey, but far-more so with the investigative powers of the new federal government. 6000 Whiskey Rebels mobilized at Braddock's Field (site of the Battle of Ft. Duquesne in the F&I War) in order to organize and launch their revolt. 
     GW urged the Pennsylvania government to deal with the rebellion, but Governor Thomas Mifflin refused to use his militia (Mifflin had been a thorn in General Washington's side during the Revolution as well). As a result, GW federalized 13,000 men, mostly from the Virginia, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania militias, and he sent his Attorney General west with the lead troops. GW's SecWar, Henry Knox, was unable to accompany GW to Western Pennsylvania in that he had huge estate problems in what is now the state of Maine. Washington then made SecTreas Hamilton his Acting SecWar in Knox's absence.

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       Although Washington was hoping for a diplomatic non-violent solution to the rebellion in Western Pennsylvania, he agreed that a show of force was necessary. On 25 September 1794, GW issued his final warning to the Whiskey Rebels to stop their insurrection; then, at the age of 62, GW became the only President to not only organize, but also to supervise troops in a combat situation. GW planned to supervise troops as far west as Carlisle, Pennsylvania, and then to survey the situation in terms of the rebellion. 
     Washington was irked that SecWar Knox hadn't yet returned . . . he hadn't even written to let his Commander-in-Chief know his whereabouts or his situation. Therefore, it was SecTreas / Acting SecWar Alexander Hamilton that took charge as the federal commander of the assembled militias at Carlisle so GW could settle back and focus on supervision. SecWar Knox finally returned to Philadelphia, and waiting for him was a letter from GW which told him to stay put; the letter was a rather harsh rebuke. 
     GW believed that the Whiskey Rebels were defiant only when the army was distant; he wanted unequivocal proof of absolute submission before he ordered the federalized militia to stop marching. Therefore, GW decided to keep going west of Carlisle with the troops, often running point on horseback.

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     On 21 October 1794, Washington issued instructions that civilian authorities had command of the federalized militias, which meant that Hamilton was placed in charge so GW could return to Philadelphia. Soon after his return, GW addressed Congress; he clearly asserted his belief that the "Democratic-Republican Societies" were the main cause for the Whiskey Rebellion. Virginia representative James Madison, a former supporter & confidant of GW, started to openly condemn his former mentor. To Madison (the de facto leader of the House) and former SecState Thomas Jefferson, Washington was now the open leader of the Federalist Party. 
     The Whiskey Rebellion ended when the rebels themselves voted (using private ballots) to accept President Washington's offer of amnesty (a Presidential pardon for a group). Soon after the Whiskey Rebellion ended, Hamilton resigned as SecTreas effective January 1795. GW was very sorry to see Hamilton leave; he was the only Cabinet member that never let him down. Also, the 20+ year relationship between Washington and SecWar Henry Knox was over; Knox resigned on 28 December 1794, and GW made no effort to keep Knox in his administration. GW's new Cabinet was a truly Federalist Cabinet, with Oliver Wolcott the new SecTreas, and Timothy Pickering the new SecState . . . but why did GW need to find a new Secretary of State . . . the Jay Treaty caused a firestorm in American politics.

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      The Jay Treaty arrived on Washington's desk in March 1795; it was a very one-sided agreement that favored Great Britain. There was no mention of stopping Impressment, yet British imports were given Most-Favored-Nation status; reciprocation was not an overall theme in the treaty. That being said, Britain did agree to evacuate ports on the Great Lakes, and the West Indies were once again open to US shipping (only small ships were allowed; Britain didn't want true competition). Overall, the Jay Treaty's only true accomplishment was that it stopped the inevitable drift towards war with Britain. 
     The Senate ratified the Jay Treaty by the slimmest of margins (20-10); the 2/3's majority was only reached due to a crucial adjustment in the clauses related to trade in the West Indies (Southerners desperately wanted no limit on the size of ships sailing the Caribbean). Washington reached out to Hamilton for advice as to whether-or-not to sign the Jay Treaty . . . Hamilton responded by crafting a 53 page analysis supporting the treaty.

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      As the mostly negative reaction to the Jay Treaty in America increased, Washington found himself without any trustworthy advisors (not counting Martha); finally, he turned to his Vice-President, John Adams for political advice (whom he had largely ignored). Ironically, it was also during this period that Washington recognized the talents of a young John Quincy Adams. Washington was beyond-irritated in that he couldn't find suitable replacements for those that left the Cabinet, mostly because, by this time, no one of significance was willing to serve GW in that capacity. The replacements that Washington eventually found were mediocre at best, and they also made up the Cabinet of President John Adams; they served both Presidents poorly, focusing mainly on party politics
     Washington even turned to Hamilton to be the next Chief Justice of the Supreme Court after John Jay resigned. Hamilton turned down Washington's offer, mostly because the position was not yet prestigious. After the controversial success of putting down the Whiskey Rebellion, and the furor over the Jay Treaty, Washington was the most politically isolated he had ever been, whether as General or as President . . . he couldn't wait to get free of the shackles of the Presidency, which wouldn't occur until March 1797 . . . 

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      On 1 July 1795, the Aurora (a Jefferson/Madison Republican newspaper) published the entire Jay Treaty, and other Republican newspapers followed suit; Republican paranoid fantasies (e.g. Monarchy; Anglophobia) exploded on the American political landscape. In addition to the Republican vitriol over the Jay Treaty, Washington had an additional problem: his SecState, Edmund Randolph. In effect, prominent Federalists accused Randolph of treason, which was a common charge to make in that era on those that had opposing political beliefs. 
     Randolph wasn't guilty of treason, but it turned out that he wasn't as loyal to Washington as he portrayed himself to be, and that he had definite Republican political leanings; so therefore, treason was the "default" charge. When confronted (ambushed is a better description) by Washington and those prominent Federalists, Randolph, the Narcissistic Egomaniac, surfaced (yet again) . . . the overall theme of his defense was "How Dare You Question Anything I Do". SecState Edmund Randolph was the first Cabinet member to leave the Cabinet involuntarily. Randolph, as a private citizen, savaged Washington in a very public defense of his actions. In short, Randolph betrayed Washington, in particular after he left the Cabinet, in that GW was the main reason for Randolph's ascent, relevance, and influence in the new federal government. 

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Path to the Battle of Little Bighorn, Part One (1763 - 1860's)

7/17/2015

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     Source: James Donovan. A Terrible Glory: Custer and the Little Bighorn - 
                                                The Last Great Battle of the American West (2009).
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    For white Americans and the United States Government, it became known as "The Line"; it was the point from where Natives were forced to relocate West. One of the first "Lines" was the 
Proclamation of 1763, which was the last time that Native sovereignty (in the interior) was considered important to the causes of peace and trade; of course it was only considered, not respected, by Colonial whites (e.g. Washington).
     The demand for land by white Americans was enormous, and "The Line" kept moving West after such events as: The Battle of Fallen Timbers (1794) / Louisiana Purchase (1803) / 
Indian Removal Act (1830; where white expansion picked up serious momentum) / 
Indian Intercourse Act (1834; defined "Indian Territory") / The 1st Wagon Train to Reach the Platte River (1841; it was the origin of the 
Oregon Trail) . . . by the early-1840s, Native removal was largely accomplished in the view of white America.

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        By 1845, 5000 immigrants were on various trails West, but by 1850, the number increased to 55,000, many of whom traveled through Lakota Territory. Of course disease spread through Native populations, and increased violence against whites was the logical result. 1845 was the same year that the phrase "Manifest Destiny" first appeared (in the 
Democratic Review); it provided political, social, economic, and even religious justification for whites to expand West.
     The Mexican War (1846 - 1848) finalized most of the U.S. Government's claims in what would become known as the contiguous states (the Gadsden Purchase of 1853 was the last land purchase from Mexico). The Gold Rush in California dramatically increased expansion, and it also proved that "The Line" was no longer an effective solution to the "Native Problem".
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      As the 1850s progressed, the Reservation System from the East was applied in the Great Plains, and "Native Colonies" were established. There, in these "Colonies", Natives would be kept out of the white settlers' way, and taught to become "white". Thus began the U.S. Government strategy of negotiating (and forcing) treaties with Natives, taking what it wanted; the legality of most of the treaties were beyond-dubious.
     An example: A treaty was signed between the Cheyenne & Arapaho Nations and the U.S. Gov't in 1851 where it was agreed that the Cheyenne would relocate to a reservation south of the Arkansas River, giving up all their lands. But, only 6 of the 44 Cheyenne and Arapaho chiefs signed the treaty . . . therefore, most Cheyenne and Arapaho didn't feel that they were bound by the document. Also, "Annuity Payments" on reservations were designed to wean Natives from buffalo, but the system was steeped in corruption, since it was headed by the Bureau of Indian Affairs. Despite all the dishonesty and corruption with the treaties and on the reservations, major warfare had been avoided in the Midwest and the Great Plains.
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      In August, 1862, a massacre occurred in SW Minnesota that resulted in Natives killing over 800 whites; it started over a dispute between Natives and a white farmer over access to the farmer's hens' eggs. The Great Sioux Uprising (a.k.a. Minnesota Massacre; Great Sioux War) of 1862 was the first sign of large-scale, organized Native resistance. 
     General John Pope, then in charge of the Missouri Division, vowed revenge; he ordered 
General Henry Sibley's troops into action, and they defeated a large number of Santee warriors at Wood Lake. Over 2000 were captured, and 38 were publicly hanged on 26 December, 1862; President Lincoln actually commuted over 300 Native executions. The Lakotas were stripped of their land in SW Minnesota by the Minnesota River, and moved to a reservation on the Missouri River. Sioux resistance (Lakota, Dakota, Nakota, and others) spread westward with the fleeing warriors, and violence on the Great Plains increased.
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      The Sand Creek Massacre occurred on 29 November, 1864 under the command of Union Colonel John M. Chivington (pictured). Chivington attacked "Peace Chief" Black Kettle's sleeping Cheyenne village (about 100 lodges); even children were massacred under Chivington's orders. Over 200 Cheyenne were killed and mutilated by Chivington's men, and they proudly paraded through Denver (175 miles away), displaying Cheyenne body parts to cheering white Coloradans. 
     Enraged Cheyenne, Sioux, and Arapaho warriors raided towns, stage stations, ranches, wagon trains . . . they burned, looted, and killed wherever they could in retaliation for Sand Creek. During the Winter of 1864-1865, these warriors joined kinsmen in the Powder River country, which was the area between the Black Hills and the Bighorn Mountains, which the Lakota claimed as their homeland (although the Lakota had taken it from the Crow Nation a few decades earlier). 

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     The Union Government initiated the Powder River Campaign in 1865; it became a fruitless endeavor to try and clear out marauding Natives in the region. Over 6000 soldiers in 3 columns stirred up the Lakota Nation for good, especially Chief Red Cloud (pictured; who had tallied over 80 coups by the age of 16, and coups were counted very carefully, much like confirmed kills for pilots in WW I and WW II) and the Oglala Nation. Red Cloud and his warriors reeked havoc over U.S. soldiers and whites foolish enough to enter the Powder River country, especially if they used the Bozeman Trail, which was the best route to the Montana gold mines.

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Thomas Jefferson: The Leader of the Opposition (1790 - 1797)

7/7/2015

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     Source: Jon Meacham. Thomas Jefferson: The Art of Power (2012)
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     Thomas Jefferson officially became America's first Secretary of State on 22 March, 1790.  TJ was flexible on many political points (even, initially, with the National Bank), but he never changed his views that the U.S. was susceptible to a monarchy. TJ was in favor of a stronger federal government, but not one that opened the door to a monarchy. In other words, TJ was adamantly opposed to Monocrats (rule by one), and he saw multiple threats, visible and invisible, to America's republican government.

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      On 31 October, 1791, Jefferson convinced his journalistic pitbull, Philip Freneau (pictured), to use his National Gazette as a Republican platform . . . in doing so, TJ became the leader of the opposition against the Federalists (and especially Alexander Hamilton, the first Secretary of the Treasury). In 1793, James Madison (the leader of the Republicans in the House) wanted TJ to remain as SecState, but Jefferson believed that his debt of service to the new federal government had been more than paid.
     Jefferson told Madison that the battles seemed endless, and victories had been too elusive; in effect, TJ was making a political tactical retreat to Monticello. Jefferson may have been retreating to Virginia, but Democratic-Republican Societies were emerging and spreading in New England and New York in 1793. 
     These very aggressive pro-Jefferson / anti-Federalist groups were organized and led by working-class and middle-class citizens, and also featured a strong immigrant presence. These societies were viewed by Hamilton and President Washington as very dangerous groups that were a serious threat to the social order. By 31 December, 1793, the friction was too great for Jefferson, and he officially resigned as SecState to Washington; Washington officially accepted the resignation on 1 January, 1794.

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     Jefferson's strategy on his return to Monticello in early-1794 was to wait, and be summoned to come to the rescue . . . the outcry for his return would be the Election of 1796. Madison (among others, such as James Monroe), kept TJ abreast of domestic and foreign affairs while he was in retreat at Monticello. What worried Jefferson the most was the growing accumulation of power by the Federalist Party, and of Alexander Hamilton.
     Although Jefferson was happy at Monticello, he needed to be in the world of politics and consequence, which meant holding office, articulating beliefs, and championing Republicanism over Monarchy. In the Fall of 1795, the rising star of New York politics, 
Aaron Burr (pictured), visited Jefferson at Monticello . . . in Burr, TJ had a potential rival to Hamilton in the state. When the Jay Treaty was ratified in 1795, Jefferson and his Republican Party had the issue they needed; it was a rallying point, leading to momentum and purpose. Jefferson felt he was close to being "summoned" in order to block the rise of Monarchy in America.

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     On 19 September, 1796, President Washington's
"Farewell Address" was published, and it opened the floodgates in terms of candidates pursuing the Presidency in the upcoming election. Jefferson wrote Madison that it might be best if he was elected Vice-President, given the current domestic and foreign policy issues. 
     Meanwhile, Hamilton hatched a strategy to try and keep BOTH John Adams and Thomas Jefferson from being elected (he thought Adams was too headstrong, and that Jefferson's vision of an Agrarian America was flat-out wrong). Hamilton urged key Federalist electors (with letter-after-letter) to vote for South Carolina's Thomas Pinckney (pictured). He hoped to deny Adams the Presidency by siphoning away several crucial electoral votes, while also costing Jefferson crucial Southern electors. 
     Jefferson knew that it would be a close call in 1796 between himself, Adams, and Pinckney; so much so that TJ asked Madison to be his advocate in case the election had to be decided in the House of Representatives. Madison, in at least one letter, told Jefferson that if he was elected Vice-President to accept it, arguing that "close proximity to the President critical."

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     On 8 February, 1797, the Electoral Votes were officially tallied in the U.S. Senate, with Vice-President John Adams presiding. Adams received 71 votes, with TJ receiving 68; Jefferson, by finishing second, was America's second Vice-President (TJ is known as the "1-2-3 Man", in that he was the first SecState, second VP, and third President). One reason why the Election of 1796 was so close was that the 3/5's Compromise (still in effect) meant that there were more Southern Electoral Votes. 
     Before the results were official, on 1 January, 1797, Jefferson sent Madison a draft letter addressed to Adams. It was very nice letter, pledging his support as Vice-President to President-Elect Adams. Madison sent a letter to Jefferson, basically scolding him as to the contents, and told him to NEVER send the letter, in that he believed that TJ needed to immediately set the tone of OPPOSITION! Later, as Washington exited the stage as President, Jefferson thought that GW was lucky to leave just before the bubble burst on the Federalists.

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     The only time President John Adams consulted Vice-President Thomas Jefferson was before the Inauguration, concerning U.S.-French relations. Adams wanted TJ to convince James Madison to be the U.S. Minister to France. Not long after Adams took the oath of office and became the 2nd President, TJ told Adams that Madison wouldn't accept the position (both TJ and Madison felt that it would be worse-than-stupid to try and help the Federalist Party in any way). 
     President Adams' Cabinet was a very mediocre group (with the exception of 
John Marshall), which he inherited from Washington (GW wasn't very enamored with the group either). But that middling Cabinet gave their Adams a very hard time over making the offer to Madison via Jefferson; for the next four years, Adams never consulted TJ on a political question. Adams understood that he was being pressured to be a partisan President by powerful Federalists . . . and Jefferson came to understand that, even as VP, criticism was inevitable in politics.

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Thomas Jefferson: The Road to the Declaration of Independence

7/7/2015

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       Source: Jon Meacham. Thomas Jefferson: The Art of Power (2012)
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     For most of the Colonial Elite, revolution was the most shrewd economic choice. The "Rich Eastern White Guys" were restricted from land speculation in the West, and (non-British) paper money was worthless. And, since Thomas Jefferson and the Eastern Elites were in debt (for TJ, it was hereditary debt plus his own), a revolution meant a chance to wipe the slate clean and start over. 
     TJ likened the debt of the Eastern Elites to being the property of the London creditors (George Washington
wholeheartedly agreed with that viewpoint). TJ believed that not making payments to London creditors was a type of boycott, which had become an accepted strategy of resistance to the Crown to many in the Colonies. It would be a rich man's revolution . . . the lower classes would be much slower to respond in kind. To the Jefferson and the Eastern Elites, separation from Britain representedtti an attractive economic and ideological future.

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     On 19 May, 1774, a Virginia newspaper announced the Boston Port Act (it would be the first of "The Intolerable Acts"). TJ's "Summary View" in response was the first time an item that he wrote spread through the Colonies (and even to London). He didn't advocate separation; he expressed a desire to return to the way things were done before all the current hullaballoo. On 6 August, 1774, Washington paid for several copies of what he called "Jefferson's Bill of Rights"; TJ's "Summary View" moved TJ to the forefront of the brewing revolt in Virginia and beyond . . . it also placed him in a position to be among the few that could write a declaration concerning independence.
     Jefferson was elected to the 
2nd Continental Congress (an engraving is to the right) on 27 March, 1775 as the Colonies were drifting towards armed conflict with Britain. Lord Dunmore, the Colonial Governor of Virginia, confiscated gunpowder, which effectively denied Virginians their arms . . . he also threatened to emancipate Virginia's slaves if the scurrilous hoo-haw continued. As a result, Virginia and the 2nd C/C accelerated their preparations for war. TJ came of political age not from certitude, but from the rising conflict with King George III and Great Britain.

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      On 11 June, 1775, Jefferson left for Philadelphia and the 2nd Continental Congress; a larger world beckoned. TJ was reluctant to speak in public (like Washington), so therefore he held his tongue while the 2nd C/C was in session. The events of 7 November, 1775, would do much to produce the Declaration of Independence. Lord Dunmore declared martial law (from the ship in which he was hiding) in Virginia; he also decreed that any African slave that took up arms against the Colonies would be freed. 
     These declarations led to many neutrals becoming revolutionaries, at least in spirit. There was also the sense that the property of the Virginia Gentry would soon become the property of the British Crown. On 4 February, 1776, Jefferson read a copy of Thomas Paine's Common Sense . . . he agreed with most every one of Paine's tenets and concepts. 

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      During the first week of June 1776, a motion to dissolve the union with Great Britain was made in the 2nd C/C. The motion focused on the practical domestic and international applications of independence. A vote was delayed until 1 July in order to get New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and South Carolina on board. 
     But the question was: who should write a draft of the declaration of independence . . . 
John Adams said Jefferson should be the primary author (he based this assertion on a conversation he had with TJ two years prior). TJ thought Adams should write the declaration, but Adams stood his ground, and refused, and Jefferson agreed to write the draft (Adams & Franklin helped TJ edit the draft . . . Franklin suggested the term "Self-Evident"). Jefferson drafted the document for neutral Americans, soldiers in arms, and potential global allies. A satisfied TJ turned into a frustrated TJ when the 2nd C/C cut out about 1/4 of his draft, including negative clauses concerning the slave trade.

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      The Declaration of Independence was formally introduced to the 2nd Continental Congress on 28 June, 1776, and on 1 July, the debate started. Again, large portions of TJ's draft were cut, this time including a denunciation of slavery. TJ hated being edited by such a large group; he silently writhed in agony at suggestions of rewording or deleting passages. Jefferson took the proposed changes to the Declaration of Independence as attacks on him, not constructive criticism . . . which is a common trait with those that have incredible ambition, like Jefferson.
     On 2 July, 1776, the 2nd C/C voted to adopt a resolution for independence from Great Britain, and on 4 July, they ratified the Declaration of Independence. Later, a jealous John Adams said the Declaration of Independence was a theatrical show, not a substantive document.

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     The Declaration of Independence was one of many things with which Jefferson was involved as a member of the 2nd Continental Congress. He faced daunting tasks that included dealing with real-or-imagined conspiracies, such as Loyalist plots and Native attacks in the frontier. TJ also wrote a proposed constitution for Virginia, and closely followed the debates concerning the Articles of Confederation. 
     Jefferson (like Theodore Roosevelt) saw politics as a kaleidoscope . . . loyalties and positions often changed . . . who was an enemy in the morning may be an ally in the afternoon. As a result of his experience in the 2nd Continental Congress, Jefferson was very knowledgeable on political methods and strategies. And, in the Fall of 1776, a 33 year-old Thomas Jefferson met, for the first time, the 25 year-old James Madison in the Virginia Assembly . . . their first battle together: Freedom of Religion in Virginia.

(Below: John Trumbull's revisionist painting of the Signing of the Declaration of Independence. TJ and Trumbull were friends, which explains why TJ is the star of the painting . . . if you look closely, you'll see Jefferson stepping on the left shoe of John Adams, which was most likely Trumbull's idea, according to our Capitol Tour Guide in June, 2014)

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The Origin of the Temperance Movement

7/1/2015

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Source: Edward Behr. Prohibition: 13 Years That Changed America (2013)
     In 18th Century America, alcohol in one-form-or-another was so plentiful and so cheap that most Americans went through life in a semi-perpetual alcoholic haze. An American tradition was not only plentiful alcohol, but plenty of time-off (as in hours/days) for consumption. This was a tradition carried over from Europe, especially Britain; in 1720s England there was a "Gin Craze" that was similar to the Crack Cocaine epidemic that ravaged 1980s America. In Colonial America, it was rum, not gin, that was king, and hard liquor (and even beer) was consumed far more than wine.
      (Below: American Colonists enjoying a concoction commonly known as "Rum Punch")
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     In contrast to Europe, Colonial America, despite its factionalism, didn't have nearly the same level of strife, which allowed Temperance (and then Prohibition) to slowly take root. Also, there was a link between liquor and politics in Colonial America, especially in taverns. 
     Colonial tavern owners were economically and politically powerful; they not only delivered votes by providing (often free) liquor, but their taverns were the epicenter of politics for the area. Politicians, to be taken seriously, basically had to be an engaging presence in a tavern(s) in order to be elected/re-elected. The tavern keeper would buy votes and politicians that matched his ideology with liquor. 

                (Below: an "election" involving alcohol in Colonial America)

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     Tavern keepers (and the clergy) were the key opinion-makers long before the development of modern media . . . however, the status of the tavern keeper would sharply decrease after the Civil War, in that the percentage of tavern keepers that were foreign-born would rise significantly.
  (Below: a depiction of an apple press - the first step in making hard apple cider)
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       Hard apple cider was the staple alcoholic beverage since the early-1700s for most Colonists, and then whiskey made its debut in the 1760s. As the 19th Century progressed, rum and gin became working-class staples, while for those with greater socio-economic status, madeira, port, or malaga were consumed (Beer wasn't heavily consumed until German immigrants came to America in significant numbers starting in the 1830s).
    By 1810, the population of the U.S. was 7 million, and among those millions, alcohol consumption was rampant. One estimation, based on the somewhat measurable data of the day, was that the average per capita consumption of alcohol was 10-12 gallons of distilled spirits a year (a more realistic estimate would be in the 3 to 4 gallon range: by 1830, citizens over the age of 15 consumed 7 gallons of alcohol per year). Here is another way to measure the alcohol consumption from our early history: In Washington's first four months as President, 25% of his budget was spent on various varieties of liquor.
     From early Colonial times, some Puritans, such as Increase and Cotton Mather, favored Temperance (limiting, or tempering, the consumption of alcohol). By the 1740s, the small percentage of people that classified themselves as Temperance leaders had, in their minds, linked drinking alcohol with spiritual neglect. To these Temperance leaders, excessive drinking was the source of the lack of adherence to religion and social order.

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      Dr. Benjamin Rush (pictured) was the first to clinically analyze the negative effects of liquor. Rush's study was an early-1800s equivalent to the Surgeon General's warning with cigarettes in the 1960s. The crux of Rush's argument was that people needed to switch from hard liquor to wine or beer (and drink less). As a result of its publication, Temperance societies started to sprout up in the U.S. (the diminutive President James Madison still drank a pint of whiskey before breakfast every morning). 
     The first Temperance publication in Boston was The Philanthropist in 1826; by 1829, there were at least a thousand Temperance Societies throughout America. There were so many Temperance Societies that the clergy were forced to take notice. By 1836, Dr. Rush's study had become "lost in translation", in that with the clergy running point, Temperance Societies were on the warpath against all liquor for religious reasons - in parts of the U.S., there was already open support for Prohibition.


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      From the 1830s-on, Temperance focused on the moral cost of drinking - it was a "Mortal Sin". More clergy were comparing drinking with eternal damnation and sobriety with salvation. In America, drinking alcohol became a religious problem, not a political or social problem. 
      To Temperance leaders like Reverend Justin Edwards (pictured), the alcohol industry represented a vast Godless conspiracy to undermine traditional society . . . Americans, then as now, were susceptible to conspiracy theories. As the Temperance Movement began to grow, the rate of alcohol consumption actually decreased; by 1850, per capita consumption of alcohol was down to a little less than two gallons per year.

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     On 2 June, 1851, the Maine legislature made the sale of liquor illegal throughout the state; decades later, it would become the basis for the 18th Amendment. The leader of the Prohibition movement in Maine was the "Napoleon of Temperance", Colonel Neal Dow (pictured). He was among the first to believe that a legislative solution was the best method to drastically reduce alcohol consumption, and improve society.
    In opposition were the "Wets", which were mostly staunch conservatives backed by brewers, distillers, and saloon keepers. Not only did "Wets" oppose Temperance / Prohibition, they also opposed the emancipation of African Slaves. To these social conservatives, Temperance and Abolitionism came from the same brood of trouble-makers: they believed that their status and influence were under attack.

     The Maine Prohibition law was easily circumvented: it didn't actually prohibit drinking, it just outlawed saloons. Alcohol could be imported and consumed - a common way around the law was to sell a five-cent soda cracker, but the rum was "free". Also, code phrases such as "do you want to see a Blind Pig" meant "do you want a glass of rum"; it was the beginning of what would become known during Prohibition as a "Speakeasy".
     In the 1850s, the momentum of the Temperance Movement ground to a halt due to the increasing likelihood of Civil War. During the Civil War, taxes on liquor and beer were deemed essential in order to help fund the war effort, especially in the Union. However, the Civil War would prove to be a very useful springboard for what would eventually become the first powerful Prohibition lobbying group, the Anti-Saloon League (ASL) . . . 
               (Below: A Temperance poster called "The Drunkard's Progress" from 1846)
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