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Benedict Arnold: America's Most Famous Traitor, Part Three

5/1/2016

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                 Source: Steve Sheinkin. The Notorious Benedict Arnold - A True
                                      Story of Adventure, Heroism, and Treachery (2010)
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     Major John Andre, General Henry Clinton's chief of espionage, had already broken one of Clinton's rules of spying: he had crossed American lines. General Benedict Arnold, the reason why Andre was behind enemy lines, insisted that Andre take the written-down instructions on the strengths/weaknesses of West Point to General Clinton. By doing so, Andre violated Clinton's second rule, which was never carry incriminating papers, by placing the documents between his feet and stockings. 
     Arnold wrote a pass for Andre in order to get past any US soldiers; it was agreed that when Clinton saw the papers, the British attack at West Point would begin. If the timing was right, Clinton would get Fort Arnold, thousands of soldiers, and George Washington, who was en route to the fort. Andre couldn't leave until dark, and Joshua Hett Smith, who had been unwittingly assisting Arnold in his treason, would ride with him and show Andre to the British line. Smith agreed, but wanted to know why Arnold was in a British uniform, to which Arnold basically shrugged off his question. 
     Smith loaned Andre civilian clothes, and Arnold went back to his wife, Peggy. For Arnold and Andre, there had been some unfortunate glitches in their plan so far, but their plan and timing was still intact. When Andre put on Smith's civilian clothes in Smith's house, he violated the last of Clinton's rules, which was to all times remain in uniform. As Smith and Andre rode out from West Point, Smith chatted endlessly, while Andre kept quiet, not doubt trying to think about how to get out of his dangerous situation.

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     Soon, Smith and Andre were challenged. Smith handed the guards the pass written by Arnold after basically telling them off. Smith was given back the pass, but told to go no further; Smith knew why . . . the next 15 miles were a violent No-Man's Land controlled by Loyalist-leaning thugs known as "Cowboys". These "Cowboys" fought for territory and loot with a rival gang, Rebel-leaning thugs known as "Skinners". Andre wanted to proceed, but the captain of the guard advised against doing so.
    
​     Smith and Andre spent the night in a farmer's house, but Andre wasn't able to sleep, since he was still shaken from the day's events, which included passing on the road an American, Colonel Webb, who had been a prisoner in New York City when Andre was stationed in the city. . . Webb showed no signs of recognizing Andre. In the morning, Andre loosened up with Smith, but after breakfast at the farm house Smith told Andre he didn't want to ride into
​No-Man's Land. Smith gave Andre directions, and then Smith (and his slave) rode off in the opposite direction. Andre continued alone. A few miles ahead in Tarrytown, three men were crouched by the side of the road, probably a mix of "Skinners" and American militiamen. The three men decided to stop the coming rider if they didn't know him . . . that rider was Major Andre.

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     The three men surprised Andre. Andre gambled that they were Loyalist "Cowboys", and addressed them as such, but he was mistaken. Andre's face went ashen, and he gave them Arnold's pass. Had Andre presented the pass before saying anything, or pretended to be a put-out American soldier, he almost certainly would have been allowed to continue. The three men assumed that Andrew was a British officer with money, which explained the thorough forced search. Andre was completely naked except for his boots and stockings . . . then the three men searched his boots, and saw something in the stockings.
    
​      The three men had found the documents given to Andre by Arnold; Andre denied he was a spy and demanded to be set free. The three men asked Andre what his freedom was worth, to which Andre in effect replied "any sum you want". That sum was 100 guineas, his horse, saddle, bridle, and his fancy watch. Andre actually haggled with the three men until Andre offered the ridiculous sum of 10,000 guineas. The three men decided it was too risky collecting money from a British officer/spy . . . it was surely safer to turn in Andre to the American side, since he sure seemed to be worth something. At that point, Andre knew his chances at returning to the HMS Vulture and New York City were nil.
     Meanwhile, Smith told Arnold that Andre was safely on his way to New York City. At the same time, aboard the HMS Vulture, the crew was nervous, in that they were still waiting for Andre's return. Andre was delivered to an American army post that was commanded by Colonel John Jameson, who was unsure what to do with Andre.

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      Andre's pass from General Arnold was genuine, but Colonel Jameson wondered why Andre would he have detailed information on West Point in his stocking. Jameson decided to let Arnold know that he had "John Anderson" as a prisoner, and that he had in his possession potentially incriminating documents. Jameson also decided to send the captured documents to Washington . . . so two messengers were sent at the same time, one to Arnold, and the other to Washington. 
     Washington's headquarters were located close-by, and the messenger actually passed the camp. He turned around and found the camp, but Washington wasn't there, because the general was studying the land, river, and fort very near West Point. Washington wasn't in any particular hurry to reach Arnold, despite being expected for breakfast . . . General Lafayette was getting nervous, advising Washington that they needed to go see Arnold . . . but the rider that was still trying to locate Washington was probably more nervous than Lafayette.
     Washington decided to send two officers ahead to let Arnold know they would be late to breakfast. Those officers were with Arnold when Jameson's other rider delivered the message. One of Washington's officers noticed Arnold's reaction to reading the note; he seemed embarrassed and agitated . . . but why? Arnold now knew that Andre had been captured, and that Washington had the documents . . . and that Washington would be there any minute. Arnold didn't know if Washington was actually in possession of the papers yet, and he didn't want to wait to find out. 

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     Arnold went upstairs to Peggy's bedroom, and told her why he needed to leave right away. Then there was a knock on the door, and Arnold was told that Washington was almost there, and Peggy fainted. Arnold got on his horse, telling his officers to let Washington know that he would be back in an hour. Arnold galloped towards Washington's personal guard; they got out of his way and saluted him as he passed. Arnold found his small boat by the river; he always had officers nearby so they could row him across the Hudson whenever he wanted. Arnold ordered his men to row towards the HMS Vulture, since he had secret business with a man on board . . . Arnold stood in the rowboat with both of his pistols cocked, ready to be used.
    Just minutes after Arnold left, Washington arrived. Washington was told that Arnold was at West Point, so after a quick breakfast, Washington and his entourage rowed across the Hudson to Fort Arnold, expecting a formal greeting, which included a 13 cannon salute. However, there was nothing of the sort, and Washington soon discovered that Arnold hadn't been on that side of the river at all that day. Washington didn't have any idea why things weren't normal; the fort looked neglected and soldiers were not in their proper places . . . the strategic location was wide open for an attack.

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     Back at Arnold's house, Peggy was in play-acting mode, and started to shriek; the fact that she also looked genuinely terrified helped her with the ruse. She asked if Colonel Varick (who was in the room) was planning on killing her baby. Peggy kept crying, saying that Arnold would not return, ever . . . it appeared to those in the room that Peggy was hallucinating. Washington soon arrived at Arnold's home, expecting him to be there, but no one knew Arnold's whereabouts.
​     Finally, Colonel Jameson's other messenger found Washington, and handed the general the message and the documents. Shortly after starting to read the papers, Washington's hands started shaking; he knew immediately that Arnold had betrayed him, saying "who can we trust now"? Arnold was out of Washington's reach (after an exhaustive search), so Washington focused on preparing West Point for an attack, placing General Nathaniel Greene in charge. 
     Peggy heard Washington's voice, and asked to see him upstairs. When Washington entered the room, Peggy again started raving, claiming to not recognize Washington, accusing him of murdering her child. Washington tried to comfort Mrs. Arnold, but it wasn't his strong suit. Lt. Colonel Alexander Hamilton was in the room as well, and he saw the sweetness of beauty and innocence mixed with lost senses. Peggy was acting, but again, she was truly afraid. Peggy needed to convince Washington that she had no part in Arnold's treason, and she succeeded . . . after Washington left her room, she lay calmly down on the bed, plotting her next series of decisions.

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     Now it was Joshua Hett Smith's turn; soldiers entered his home with bayonets, and he was dragged in front of Washington. Washington told Smith that he was being charged with treason; Smith was genuinely confused, and insisted that he hadn't known about Andre's identity or Arnold's intentions. Once Washington calmed down, he realized that Smith had been used, but he put Smith in jail for the time being, just in case. 
     Washington and the men stationed at West Point stayed up all night for a British attack that never came; Washington was still shaken by the recent shocking turn of events. Arnold wrote Washington from the HMS Vulture; true to form, Arnold thought that he had acted correctly. Arnold did one decent thing in his series of letters to Washington, in that he absolved all those around him of being a part of his actions. The HMS Vulture sailed back to New York City, where Arnold walked the streets in the uniform of a British general.
     Arnold didn't get the reception he was expecting; most just stared icily at him. Arnold's arrival stunned the residents of New York City; when the shock wore off, many started to wonder about Major John Andre. General Clinton was a wreck over Andre, and he didn't welcome Arnold, which meant the officers that ranked below Clinton followed suit. Arnold walked the streets of New York City in his new uniform, more alone than he had ever been. Arnold's plot had failed, and if Andre died, the catastrophe would be complete.

Epilogue: The fates of General Benedict Arnold and Major John Andre . . .
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Benedict Arnold: America's Most Famous Traitor, Part Two

5/1/2016

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                Source: Steve Sheinkin. The Notorious Benedict Arnold - A True
                                     Story of Adventure, Heroism, and Treachery (2010)
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     The Revolutionary War interrupted the court-martial of Major General Benedict Arnold, and he went back to Philadelphia. Arnold continued clandestine negotiations with
Major John Andre, who was the head of General Henry Clinton's spy network. Arnold told Andre that he wanted to be paid no-matter-what for his efforts (what would be $1.5 million today); Clinton demanded something big for that price tag. To do so, Arnold needed to be back in an important military command, but his court-martial kept getting delayed. 
     On 23 December 1779, Arnold's court-martial finally resumed at a tavern in Morristown, New Jersey. Arnold stated to the judges that for all he'd done for his nation, he deserved better treatment; he needed an acquittal in order to be put in command in the field again. 
     Arnold refuted each of the charges one-by-one, and in great detail. Although Arnold was planning on betraying his nation, and had been up-to-his-neck in unethical behavior as the Military Governor of Philadelphia, he didn't FEEL GUILTY . . . Arnold was always able to convince himself that he was doing right.

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       On 26 January 1780, Arnold was acquitted of the serious charges; in the opinion of the judges, he was guilty of repeated bad judgment, and was sentenced to an official reprimand from Washington. As the sentence was read, Arnold complained (about the bad judgment) "for what"? Washington procrastinated for two months until finally reprimanding Arnold, and it was a short and mild official rebuke which featured an apology for the reprimand as well. However, that sensitive and generous note from Washington came far-too-late in Arnold's view.
     
​     Sometime during May 1780, Arnold started to think about West Point on the Hudson River. The fort sat on a peninsula that jutted into the Hudson River 50 miles north of New York City.
Washington called West Point the "Key to America"; as long as West Point was held, the British fleet could be bottled up in New York City. Arnold told Andre of his plan (wanting more money, of course), and Clinton was finally seriously intrigued, and agreed to Arnold's price. Andre told Arnold that he wasn't getting paid for effort alone, and Arnold agreed that he had to deliver with his plan.

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     Arnold had been pestering Washington for weeks about West Point. Washington couldn't understand why Arnold was so adamant about being in command at West Point, since the British were unlikely to attack . . . why waste Arnold's abilities at West Point? Washington had a better idea: he offered command of the Left Wing of the Continental Army to Arnold. When Washington told Arnold of his decision, Arnold lost his smile, which visibly annoyed Washington. Washington offered the most prestigious position (except his own), which would place Arnold on top of the "General Heap". Washington, wondering what was going on in Arnold's mind, told Arnold to wait at Headquarters. 
    Arnold remained at HQ as ordered, and was limping more noticeably in order to be seen doing so. Arnold was also telling as many as possible at HQ that West Point was the only post in which he was physically capable of being in command. On 1 August 1780, Washington issued new orders that placed Arnold in command of the Left Wing. When news of this order reached Arnold's wife, Peggy, she had hysteric fits, since she was in on the plot with her husband (and most likely assisted with many details). Peggy kept telling people that it must have been a mistake; many were surprised that she appeared to value West Point over the Left Wing. Arnold visited Washington again, restating that he physically couldn't handle command of the Left Wing. Washington relented, and on 3 August 1780, he reluctantly rescinded his order, and placed Arnold in command at West Point.

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      Clinton placed Andre in charge of the mission to grab Fort Arnold at West Point (earlier in the war, the fort had been renamed in honor of Arnold's heroism and bravery). On the other side of the coin, Arnold had to figure out the best way for the British to attack the fort. Many at West Point, especially his long-time aides, noticed that Arnold seemed bewildered the moment he took command. Among the odd behaviors the aides noticed was that Arnold spent a lot of time with Joshua Hett Smith, a local dandy landowner . . . they had no idea that Smith would play a leading role in Arnold's secret plan . . . and neither did Smith. Arnold chose an abandoned Loyalist mansion on the other side of the Hudson River as his private residence, and since it was very isolated, it was the perfect setting for his plans. Arnold then sent for Peggy, giving her precise instructions and directions to safely get to West Point.
     By now, Americans were getting very sick of the Revolutionary War, since it had become a "Never-Ending Story". In the army, dissatisfaction, mutinies, and desertions were all at the highest levels of the entire war. The Continental Army blamed Congress, while Congress resented the non-stop demands of the Army. Then, Major General Horatio Gates led his army to an inglorious defeat at Camden, South Carolina . . . the American Revolution was on the verge of collapse when Arnold took command of West Point.

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     Arnold not only wanted a large amount of money, but he also wanted to end the war and have America return to the British Empire; in his mind, he would not only be rich, but a hero to BOTH lands, and perhaps even be knighted by King George III . . . it was an insanely ambitious and audacious plan, yet the pieces were falling into place. All that remained was for Arnold and Andre to meet face-to-face to work out the final details. Andre was to sail up the Hudson River, anchor at an agreed-upon location, and watch for a rowboat which would conduct him to a safe location for their meeting.
     On 16 September 1780, Arnold received news that Washington and his staff were coming to West Point, and that they would be there for several days. This was too good to be true for Arnold, in that not only would he deliver West Point to the British, but also Washington . . . Arnold passed the news on to Andre. Clinton knew that Andre was relatively inexperienced with the ways of a spy in the field, and he gave Andre advice. First, he told Andre, do not go behind American lines. Second, refuse to carry incriminating papers, and third, no matter what, do not take off your British uniform. Clinton told Andre that if anything went wrong, those three rules would provide protection against spying, and an almost certain execution. Andre agreed, and sailed north on the Hudson aboard the HMS Vulture.

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      Arnold saw the HMS Vulture reach the agreed-upon spot, and needed to reach Andre without involving any men under his command. Arnold waited until dark, and then turned to his carefully-chosen tool, Joshua Hett Smith. Arnold wanted Smith to row out to the British ship, and bring back a man named Anderson. Smith was thrilled to be involved with Arnold, which was of great assistance in that Arnold needed Smith's help in recruiting rowers. Two tenant farmers agreed to perform that service, but only after they became somewhat tipsy after drinking rum, which was provided by Arnold. 
     Smith and the two rowers reached the HMS Vulture, and Smith was forced to go on board to meet Andre. After Smith delivered Andre to Arnold, he was told to leave so their conversation would be private. Smith felt that he had earned the right to be part of the conversation, but he sat by the river while Andre and Arnold talked until 4 am. Smith told the tenant farmers that he was ready to take Andre back to the HMS Vulture, but the rowers refused. It had become a moot point anyway, since it was already dawn, and Andre needed to be concealed until the next evening. Arnold and Andre got on horseback, and moved away from the shore, and came across pickets that saluted Arnold.

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     Up to that point, Andre believed he was on neutral ground, but the pickets proved otherwise, and Andre had violated Clinton's first rule of going behind American lines. At Smith's house, Andre took off his blue coat, and Smith saw that he was a British Redcoat. Arnold, Andre, and Smith ate breakfast with very little conversation between the three men. Suddenly explosions came from the Hudson River, and all three rushed to the window. 
     An American officer, James Livingston, took it upon himself to fire two cannon on the HMS Vulture; he had become annoyed that a British ship was so close to West Point. Firing on the HMS Vulture with a four-pounder (the smallest of the large cannon) was largely useless (and loud), but for two hours, those cannon fired. Six shots actually hit the HMS Vulture's hull, while other shells struck the sails and rigging. The captain was slightly injured by a splinter in the nose . . . that splinter changed the course of American History. The captain of the HMS Vulture ordered the ship to drop back out of range, and Andre was on his own, behind enemy lines, in the company and protection of Benedict Arnold. 

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Benedict Arnold: America's Most Famous Traitor, Part One

4/30/2016

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               Source: Steve Sheinkin. The Notorious Benedict Arnold - A True
                                   Story of Adventure, Heroism, and Treachery (2010)
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      On 4 May 1778, General Benedict Arnold finally returned to his home at New Haven, Connecticut, and was greeted as the "Hero of Saratoga". On 18 May 1778, British officer John Andre's all-day extravaganza (it was more like an elegant carnival) for General Howe occurred in Philadelphia. Unbeknownst to either Arnold or Andre, they would soon work together to try and win the war for Great Britain. 
     On 21 May 1778, Arnold arrived at Valley Forge (PA) and met with General George Washington. Washington knew that Arnold's fighting days were over, so he wanted Arnold to be the military governor of Philadelphia, once the British left (which his spies told him would be soon). The job would call for skills that Arnold didn't have in abundance: patience, tact, and political skill. For reasons that nobody has yet figured out, Washington offered the post to Arnold.
     Philadelphia was of no strategic value for Britain, so Washington's spies were correct: the British forces in Philadelphia went to New York City. Major John Andre said goodbye to a young lady whose acquaintance he had made in Philadelphia, Margaret Shippen, the daughter of a prominent Philadelphia Loyalist (and soon to be the 2nd Mrs. Benedict Arnold). 
     Arnold entered Philadelphia in the center of a large parade in full dress uniform, smiling and waving to the crowd. Washington's instructions to Arnold were to adopt certain measures that were effective-yet-least-offensive in order to restore order. But Arnold started to offend the citizens of Philadelphia almost immediately; he was determined to live like a supreme leader, and it was an irritating (and rude) display of luxury to a city that was in shambles.

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      The citizens of Philadelphia wondered where Arnold obtained large amounts of money. Arnold had made a huge profit from confiscated stores on an American cargo ship, which wasn't exactly illegal, but it certainly wasn't ethical. Arnold kept quiet about the details that lead to his wealth; he felt more-than-entitled to that wealth since he had served with great distinction, but hadn't received the respect/glory he felt he deserved, and that he had also lost his robust health. 
     Joseph Reed was a successful Philadelphia lawyer, and a former aide to Washington, and was Vice-President of the Pennsylvania Executive Council that actually administered the city of Philadelphia. Reed hated seeing military leaders get so popular, and was also jealous of Arnold. Reed wanted to cut the military leaders down-to-size while there was still time to do so; to Reed, Arnold was no longer doing the work of the Revolution. At a gala dance, Arnold asked to be introduced to Peggy Shippen; after a small chat, he was smitten. Peggy was also intrigued with Arnold, and soon Arnold's fancy coach was often spotted in front of the Shippen mansion.
     Finally, Arnold was able to walk without crutches. The best cobbler in Philadelphia made a special high heel for his (shorter) left leg. Arnold strolled the streets of Philadelphia with a limp (and a cane), ignoring the fierce storm between Loyalists, Patriots, and neutrals that raged around him . . . by that time, everything in Philadelphia was political. Arnold was even accused of inviting Tory (Loyalist) ladies to galas, which was true, but Arnold just wanted to be entertained and he enjoyed female company (as did Benjamin Franklin and George Washington). 

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      While Arnold and Peggy were doing well together, Arnold and the Pennsylvania legislature were not; the legislature was convinced that American military officers were starting to act like British aristocrats. Arnold purchased Mount Pleasant, which was a mansion on 90 acres overlooking the Schuylkill River, and easily one of the grandest estates in Philadelphia. 
     Reed became the preeminent figure in the Pennsylvania Executive Council, which not only made him more powerful, but also increased his obsession with destroying Arnold. Reed started to officially investigate the source of Arnold's wealth, and he used the city's newspapers to mount a smear campaign against Arnold. Arnold should have ignored the investigation and attacks, but of course he took it all personally, and had to respond. Then, in a newspaper article came specific mention of the rumors surrounding Arnold and Montreal (false accusations in which Arnold was accused of stealing supplies for his retreating soldiers after the failure at Quebec in 1775). Arnold responded with contempt for all Pennsylvania officials; by then, even Arnold understood it was probably time to leave Philadelphia.

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       In February 1779, Arnold went to Washington to discuss options; Reed panicked, believing that he was losing his chance to destroy Arnold. Arnold was almost to Washington's HQ when he was shown a newspaper from a stranger. Contained in an article were the formal charges against Arnold from the Pennsylvania Executive Council. The Council accused Arnold of everything they could dream up, including illegal purchases, illegal use of public wagons for personal gain, and disrespectful treatment of militiamen and government leaders. 
     Arnold showed Washington the charges contained in the newspaper; Washington advised Arnold to go back to Philadelphia and deal with the problem. Washington was thinking politically, which was very common for the general, but Arnold thought that even Washington doubted his honor . . . it was a turning point for Arnold in terms of his relationship with Washington. 
     Andre quickly became General Henry Clinton's closest aide. Clinton was a very difficult general to serve, since he was perpetually moody, distant, a loner, and always appeared to be annoyed. Other officers avoided Clinton, but Andre took a liking to the general, and was able to break through Clinton's veneer. Andre was promoted to major, and in effect became Clinton's Chief-of-Staff . . . Andre was becoming an important man in New York City, and he loved it for every minute. 
     In April 1779, Clinton named Andre his Chief of Intelligence, which meant he was in charge of Clinton's spy network. Andre was 28, which aggravated the older, more senior officers; to them, Andre was a "cringing, insidious sycophant". Andre was fully aware that he was on a figurative ledge, and that many were rooting for him to fall . . . Andre was supremely motivated to show them he was the right man for the post - he wanted to pull off an amazing coup as the Intelligence Chief. 

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     On 8 April 1779, Arnold and Peggy were married in the Shippen mansion. The charges against Arnold were national news, and Arnold was quickly running out of money; he was bleeding cash trying to keep his extravagant standard-of-living. Soon, Arnold started to borrow money to keep up appearances, and Arnold and Peggy largely kept to themselves . . . this was when the treasonous plot was most likely hatched. 
     Congress had to decide the Arnold v. Pennsylvania debacle, but they couldn't find any evidence of illegal trading by Arnold. Congress then in effect transferred the entire mess to Washington, telling him to try Arnold in a military court. Arnold asked for a quick trial, but Reed objected, saying he needed more time to gather evidence. Reed went so far as to write Washington that if he didn't get the extra time, then Pennsylvania's support of the war effort just might decrease. 
     Washington was in an impossible position, and decided to postpone Arnold's trial. Arnold believed that the delay meant that Washington also saw him as a criminal, which proved to be another step towards treason. Arnold stated that the delay was worse-than-death; Arnold was most likely wrestling with his inner-demons by that time, and was heading towards some dreadful decisions. It was almost like Arnold was asking Washington to save him before it was too late. 

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      Major Andre had a hard time knowing which people visiting his office were actually spies, and whether they were credible or crackpots. On 10 May 1779, Joseph Stansbury visited Andre and told him that General Benedict Arnold was offering his services to General Henry Clinton, either by joining the British army or by being part of a covert operation. Andre was in absolute shock . . . it never even remotely registered to any British officer that Arnold was anything but a true Patriot. 
     A few days later, Stansbury told Arnold that his offer had been accepted, and that Andre urged Arnold to propose a specific plan of action. Peggy Arnold was the go-between, and invisible ink from onion juice was used; their cypher was Blackstone's Commentaries, a massive legal text familiar to the well-educated. The code/cypher was impossible to break, but it was also very slow and tedious to decode. 
     Arnold inquired about financial details, while Andre wanted information in order to find a weak spot in the American defenses. Andre made it very clear to Arnold that he needed to return to an important command in the American Army. Arnold saw Washington at his headquarters on 1 June 1779, just before his long-delayed court-martial was to begin. Arnold started ranting about Congress and Reed, and Washington didn't want to be seen talking to Arnold in any meaningful public way before the court-martial due to perceptions of fairness. As a result, Washington gave Arnold a fairly stern public rebuke; as a result, Arnold no longer had second thoughts of treason . . . his inner-demons were no more.

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Benedict Arnold: The Hero of Saratoga (Aug 1777 - January 1778)

4/29/2016

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       Source: Steve Sheinkin. The Notorious Benedict Arnold - A True
                           Story of Adventure, Heroism, and Treachery (2010)

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     After securing Fort Stanwix, Major General Benedict Arnold returned to the Northern Army to find the overall commander, General Philip Schuyler, and his second-in-command, General Horatio Gates, fighting for control of the army. Congress sided with Gates; a majority in Congress had (unfairly) blamed Schuyler for the British takeover of Fort Ticonderoga. Gates, at the age of 50, finally saw his chance to achieve glory. 
     Gates decided to organize his army in a defensive posture in order to face the slowly advancing British forces under General John Burgoyne. While Gates was doing so, more-and-more soldiers showed up at camp, bolstering the Northern Army. Until this point, Gates and Arnold had got along okay; but then Arnold discovered that Gates didn't mention Arnold in his dispatches about Fort Stanwix . . . and Arnold offended Gates by populating his staff with Schuyler loyalists. 
     The main division between the two concerned their strategies of the upcoming battle at Saratoga. Gates didn't think that Arnold's recklessness was needed . . . he wanted the British to smash themselves against his defenses. As always, Arnold preferred the offensive, and since Daniel Morgan and his men were also at Saratoga, Arnold wanted to attack Burgoyne and disrupt their plans/formations and create chaos . . . chaos that would lead to victory and glory for Arnold.

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     Gates had become sick of hearing about Arnold's heroism and bravery, and he no longer invited Arnold to strategy meetings. Gates' defensive strategy would be the equivalent of a head coach that was "playing not to lose" . . . it was exactly the strategy on which General Burgoyne was counting. At 10 am on 19 September 1777, Burgoyne's forces started hammering away with cannon fire at the defensive positions of the Northern Army. 
     Arnold urged Gates to not let the British get any closer; finally, mostly to just get Arnold away from him, Gates told Arnold to take 2000+ men and head to the battle. Arnold led his men to the fighting, and after being repulsed on his first charge, Morgan and his snipers started picking off British officers. The Americans and British went back-and-forth all afternoon; many later thought the fighting featured the most intense artillery/musket exchanges of the entire Revolutionary War. 
     Arnold sensed that victory was near, and asked Gates for reinforcements. Gates refused to do so, saying it was too risky; Arnold personally asked Gates to reconsider, and Gates still refused. Arnold continued to plead his case, and finally Gates sent 300+ men back with Arnold. Arnold told those near him that he would end the battle, but Gates heard his boast, and recalled Arnold to camp . . . Arnold heard the last sounds of battle that day standing just outside his tent.

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      Arnold's men fell back to the defensive lines, and Burgoyne was in control of the field; Burgoyne had 600+ casualties to approximately 300 for the Americans. Burgoyne and his staff tried to figure out what went wrong on their assault . . . they concluded that their failure was due to Arnold's actions and leadership. 
     At the same time, Gates was satisfied with his defensive strategy, and he made sure that his lines were more stout, since Burgoyne had lost many more men, and many of his best officers. Gates concluded that Burgoyne would have to attack with his weakened army, or head back to Canada; for Gates, it was all wine-and-roses at this point of the battle. True, Burgoyne was in a dangerous position, but he was expecting help. General Howe was supposed to head north from New York City, and General Barry St. Leger was to come in from the west. But Arnold had forced St. Leger to alter his plans at Fort Stanwix, and Howe chose instead to take Philadelphia, in part due to his hatred of Burgoyne, whom he outranked.

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     General George Washington's failure to keep the British from enforcing their will in Pennsylvania intensified pressure on the Northern Army at Saratoga. By that point, Gates and Arnold were beyond any reconciliation. Gates made no mention in his dispatches to Congress of Arnold's successful efforts in stopping Burgoyne, which was contrary to all military tradition. Arnold was stunned and insulted, and to make matters worse, Gates took Morgan and his men under his direct command, crippling Arnold's initiative in any future engagements. 
     None of what Gates did to Arnold made any military sense, but Gates was concerned that Arnold may do something stupid and reckless that may lead to defeat . . . his defeat. Or, perhaps worse yet, Arnold may do something crazy to win the battle and deny Gates his glory. Arnold confronted Gates, and Gates expertly needled Arnold to the point where Arnold demanded to join Washington in Pennsylvania. 
     Gates gladly wrote the pass for Arnold, but Arnold remained at Saratoga, and then raved when Major General Benjamin Lincoln (one of the five original major generals selected by Congress, and who Arnold actually out-ranked at that point) took command of his men. Gates told Arnold that if he interfered again he would be arrested . . . it was awkward for Arnold to remain, but he just couldn't leave the Battle of Saratoga.

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     By early-October, Gates had over 10,000 men to Burgoyne's 5000. Burgoyne was still in front of the American lines with only three weeks remaining of his provisions . . . yet on 7 October 1777, Burgoyne made his move. General James Wilkinson advised Gates to attack Burgoyne with Morgan and his men, a comment which Arnold overheard. Gates noticed that Arnold was eavesdropping, and ordered him back to his tent. 
     Arnold couldn't stand the situation any longer, and he mounted a horse and rode around the camp, then he spurred his horse towards the sound of the battle, shouting "Victory or Death" . . . Gates ordered Arnold to be brought back to camp. Soldiers cheered when they saw Arnold heading their way, and cheered even louder when Arnold took command on the field. The men had no idea that Arnold did so without the authority of General Horatio Gates.

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       Gates was no longer in control of the battle; Arnold led charges against one of the British redoubts (small fort-like defenses) in order to outflank Burgoyne. Arnold led charge-after-charge, and then realized that he had been attacking the stronger of the two redoubts. Then Arnold did something extreme, even for him: Arnold dodged fire between enemy lines for 120 yards, reaching the Americans in front of the weaker redoubt to the north.
     Arnold then led charges on that position, until he felt a musket ball slice through his left leg, and the leg splintered under the weight of his falling horse. Arnold ordered his men to continue the charge, and from the ground, with his left leg shattered, he saw the decisive victory come to pass that he had longed for during the last three years (during the fighting on 7 October, British General Simon Fraser was shot and killed; he had kept the British focused, organized, and inspired . . . it was possible that Arnold was targeted as a result of Fraser's death).

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     Arnold's men jury-rigged a conveyance for Arnold; it was at that point that a messenger from Gates told Arnold that he was to return to camp before doing "some rash thing". Arnold was asked where he was hit, and Arnold responded that it was the same leg that was injured at Quebec (in 1775), but "I wish it had been my heart". 
     Arnold was not only shot in the left leg, but he also had a very serious compound fracture. Arnold refused to have the leg amputated, and his leg was put in a "fracture box", which was a tight wooden frame around his entire leg (a device that was still in use during the Civil War). Arnold was told by doctors that he would be bedridden on his back for several months. It was in this condition that Arnold followed the news from Saratoga. Burgoyne was outnumbered 3:1 by Gates, and surprisingly, Gates took the initiative, and attacked Burgoyne as he was retreating to Canada. On 17 October 1777, Burgoyne surrendered his 6000+ British and Hessian soldiers to Gates . . . it was by far the biggest event yet in the Revolutionary War.

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     Arnold trembled with rage, calling Gates 'the greatest poltroon (coward) in the world". Arnold didn't hear a thing from Gates, but there was plenty of news about Horatio Gates to read. Gates was the "Hero of Saratoga", and Arnold obsessed about the unfair cruelty of it all. In mid-December 1777, Congress granted Arnold the seniority he had long desired, but Arnold didn't feel "restored". 
    





  
   




          

     
 
     Congress, like Gates, was silent about Arnold's role at Saratoga. In mid-January 1778, Washington sent Arnold a letter of congratulations, and inquired about his health and his ability to return to duty. Arnold had muscle damage so severe in his left leg that they shrank as they healed, leaving his left leg two inches shorter than his right . . . his doctors didn't think that Arnold would ever walk again . . . or would even want to walk again. Up to this point in time, Arnold was always able to redouble his efforts and try again to achieve the glory that kept eluding him. But in his current physical and mental state, he didn't think there would ever be a "next time" . . . the seeds for treason were sown . . . 

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Benedict Arnold: Before Saratoga, 4 January - 24 August 1777

4/22/2016

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       Source: Steve Sheinkin. The Notorious Benedict Arnold - A True
                            Story of Adventure, Heroism, and Treachery (2010)          
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     After the Battle at Valcour Island in October 1776, Benedict Arnold was back in New Haven, Connecticut by January 1777. Arnold loved reading the positive press about his exploits; he felt honored when he read that the British thought it was a shame that he wasn't captured, since he was the most "enterprising" of the rebels. Arnold was no longer the one in New Haven being negatively judged; those that had been doing so were coming by, uninvited, to congratulate him, ask about him, and wish him well. 
     Arnold was also well-received in Boston, and was invited to a party hosted by Washington's Commander of the Artillery, Henry Knox. But soon, Arnold heard less-than-stellar opinions of his recent military action. Some said that Arnold had behaved rashly, and only cared for personal glory . . . and some even said that Arnold was an "Evil Genius".

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     In Philadelphia, the Continental Congress had become tired of seeing generals being treated as celebrities and/or idols; John Adams and many of the other members of Congress didn't want the military to overshadow the true heroes of the Revolution . . . themselves. Washington submitted a request to Congress for five new major generals. General Washington left the decision to Congress (for political reasons); Congress was itching to show the Commander of the Continental Army who was actually in charge.
     The selections for the major generals by Congress featured none of the men Washington wanted. Arnold had been passed over, which upset Washington, in that Arnold had more seniority/rank than those chosen. General Washington knew that Arnold would miss the politics of the decision, and take the result as a personal insult, and would most likely resign. Washington wrote Arnold, telling him that the selections were based on politics and sectionalism, not merit. But Arnold believed that the stories told by his enemies were the reason why he wasn't promoted. Arnold was at home, feeling besieged by bitter enemies, with idle time on his hands, and experiencing more periods of gout. But the Revolutionary War saved Arnold; on 25 April 1777, Benedict Arnold was awakened at 3 am by militiamen pounding on his door.

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      General Arnold was told that the British were raiding their beloved Connecticut, and were slashing/burning their way in the direction of Danbury. Arnold rode 20 miles, and when he saw the 2000+ Redcoats moving back to Long Island, Arnold decided to attack with only 500 men. Arnold placed his men on the road the British would soon use on their route back to New York. Riding back-and-forth between positions, Arnold's horse was shot out from under him (At least 9 Redcoats fired at him). Arnold's leg was trapped underneath his felled horse, but he was able to kill an approaching Redcoat with a single shot of his pistol. 
     Arnold freed himself and took off on foot across a swamp, fired on repeatedly until he was able to reach the cover of the woods. At least two shots went through Arnold's hat . . . once again, the British were impressed. Congress, after hearing about Arnold's actions, promoted Arnold to Major General . . . but the original five major generals still outranked Arnold. Once again, Arnold felt slighted, believing again that the attacks on his character were the reason why he didn't receive the promotion he felt he deserved.

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      The worst of the anti-Arnold rumors were still those concerning Montreal, where Arnold was accused of stealing provisions for retreating soldiers after Quebec in 1775. Arnold was determined to go to Philadelphia in order to convince Congress to give him seniority over the original five major generals; Washington knew no good could come of Arnold's efforts. On 19 May 1777, Arnold made his case to Congress; Arnold's lack of political skills/tact hurt him badly. Arnold's sincere appeal quickly turned to angry whining . . . Arnold received a new horse, but no advancement in rank/seniority. 
     Arnold stayed in Philadelphia to lobby for the desired rank/seniority nonetheless; larger political issues meant nothing to Arnold . . . to him, everything was personal. After weeks of fruitless efforts, Arnold finally gave up, and on 10 July 1777, Arnold wrote his resignation, and delivered it to Congress the next day. Congress received another letter on 11 July 1777 from Washington, notifying them that the British had started their attack from Canada, and were threatening to take the Hudson River (to Washington and many others, if the "Line of the Hudson" was taken by the British, the war would be lost). 
     Washington wrote additional letters to Congress, inquiring about Arnold's status, and saying that he wanted Arnold to head north. Congress asked Arnold to set aside his resignation and hurry to Washington's headquarters . . . both parties were glad to be rid of each other.

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      Arnold reached Washington's headquarters on 17 July 1777. Washington told Arnold that this time, the British were in greater force than in 1776. Fort Ticonderoga had been retaken by General Burgoyne, and his army was heading towards the Hudson River. Washington told Arnold to head north and help General Philip Schuyler deal with Burgoyne. 
     In early-August 1777, General Schuyler called his top Northern Army officers to a council of war. The Northern Army had about 6000 men, but half were sick; Burgoyne was advancing with 8000+ men, but slowly. And, to make matters worse, Lt. Colonel Barry St. Leger (promoted to Brevet General for that campaign) was coming from the west with 750 Redcoats and over 1000 Mohawks. Most generals advised Schuyler to keep the army in one piece, and forget about defending Stanwix. 
     Arnold told Schuyler that he should divide his army, sending troops to reinforce (or to rescue) those at Fort Stanwix, and Schuyler agreed. Schuyler then asked who would lead the force to Stanwix, and nobody responded, not even Arnold. An angry Schuyler then stated he would lead the force, and asked who would be his #2 general . . . Arnold was the only general that offered to go with Schuyler to Fort Stanwix.

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     The goal was to keep St. Leger's forces from getting anywhere near the Hudson River. On 21 August 1777, Arnold, who was on-point, neared Fort Stanwix, and confirmed that St. Leger was at least twice his strength. Arnold wanted to attack, but agreed to wait for reinforcements; Arnold wanted happier officers under his command, for at least the time-being.
     But Arnold had a trick up his sleeve; instead of shooting a suspected traitor named Hon Yost Schuyler (who was actually a Loyalist working for St. Leger), he ordered Yost Schuyler's coat to be shot-up. Then, beholden to Arnold for his life, Arnold had Yost Schuyler head to Fort Stanwix. Yost Schuyler was captured, and he told the Mohawks that he had barely escaped with his life eluding an American army that numbered over 2000. The Mohawks wanted to leave anyway, and they now had their excuse; as the Mohawks prepared to leave, they must have enjoyed scaring the devil out of the British - terrified Redcoats ran to the woods. St. Leger had no choice but to retreat to Lake Ontario, 70 miles away. On 24 August 1777, Arnold arrived at Fort Stanwix, solidifying American possession of the area. An aggressive-yet-tricky General Arnold had succeeded in keeping St. Leger's force from reaching the Hudson River from the west, which would be crucial in the Battle of Saratoga in September/October of 1777 (pictured above: the British overall strategic plan on taking the "Line of the Hudson" with 3 armies . . . St. Leger had only reached Fort Ticonderoga when Burgoyne surrendered his army near Saratoga on 17 October 1777).

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Benedict Arnold: The Hero of the Battle of Valcour Island (1776)

4/17/2016

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       Source: Steve Sheinkin. The Notorious Benedict Arnold - A True
                           Story of Adventure, Heroism, and Treachery (2010)
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      Benedict Arnold was already an American Colonial hero by the Summer of 1776. In 1775, he (with Ethan Allen and his Green Mountain Boys) had taken Fort Ticonderoga on Lake Champlain from the British for the 100+ cannon. And later that year, Arnold and hundreds volunteers from the Continental Army experienced incredible hardships just getting to the fort at Quebec on the St. Lawrence River, and actually entered the fort before being forced out by a much larger British contingent. A wounded Arnold was the last American officer to vacate the area after it became clear a retreat was necessary.
     Benedict Arnold's life to that point featured periods of hard work and achievements that were interrupted by outbursts of temper . . . politics and subtlety were not among his strengths. Arnold saw the Revolutionary War as a chance to wipe out the negativity that had surrounded the Arnold family name in New Haven, CT, and to soar above those that dared to judge him . . . in short, Benedict Arnold sought immortality.

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      During the Summer of 1776, a meeting of officers from the Northern Continental Army took place. General Philip Schuyler was in overall command, with General Horatio Gates second-in-command. General Arnold (who was still beyond-upset that he wasn't one of the highest-ranking generals in the entire Continental Army) reviewed the situation facing them on Lake Champlain. Arnold told his fellow officers that the British were regrouping at St. John's in the northern area of the lake, and had rebuilt its fleet, and were ready to head south past the lake to the Hudson River all the way to New York City. 
​     Arnold stated that the British fleet must be stopped in Lake Champlain, and to do so meant building an American fleet. Arnold proposed building boats that would be smaller than the British ships, and with fewer guns, but more maneuverable. Since no general really knew what to do, Schuyler gave Arnold command of the American fleet on Lake Champlain; the other generals were glad to have Arnold have the responsibility, since he would have to take the blame when the fleet was crushed by the British. Arnold was given the title of "Commander of the Lakes", and as he started to build America's first fleet of ships, news of the Declaration of Independence reached their location in Upstate New York.
 

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      General Arnold was under a lot of pressure in Lake Champlain, especially when he heard of the near-capture of Washington's Army just outside of New York City. Arnold kept crews working around-the-clock, but the construction of the fleet was still going too slowly. Arnold needed more of everything, including sailors for the ships. Arnold, tactless as always, went above Gates to Schuyler, demanding what was needed. Schuyler was already suspicious and distrustful of Gates, and Gates coveted Schuyler's command, and so Arnold's actions increased the tensions among those two generals (and Arnold didn't do any favors for himself with Gates, especially)
    While trying to build the fleet (pictured: a drawing depicting the construction of one of the ships in Arnold's fleet), Arnold had to defend himself in a military inquiry. In Canada, the supplies he arranged for the retreating troops from Quebec were not properly guarded, and Arnold had dressed-down the officer in charge in front of others. That officer then spread false rumors that Arnold had obtained the supplies by stealing them Montreal. Arnold had to spend a week defending himself in court rather than building the fleet; Arnold refused to apologize to the judges for his behavior, and even challenged all of the judges to individual duels. Frightened, the court asked Gates to have Arnold placed under arrest; Gates couldn't spare Arnold, and he subsequently dissolved the panel of inquiry. General Gates actually stood up for Arnold in this situation, but he never forgot that Arnold went over his head to Schuyler.

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      By September 1776, Arnold's spies were sure that Britain's fleet would move south on Lake Champlain in October. Again, Arnold asked Gates for more of everything, and Gates told Arnold to use what he already had in his possession. At that point, it dawned on Arnold that he was being set up for failure, and then to be blamed. Arnold knew he couldn't slug it out with the British fleet ship-to-ship, so he had to come up with another strategy. Arnold moved his just-constructed fleet behind Valcour Island so the British, as they moved down Lake Champlain, would not see any American ships. General Guy Carleton, the commander of the British fleet, overheard one of his captains lamenting the fact that the Americans were nowhere in sight; Carleton, who was very familiar with Arnold's courage and boldness, told his captain, "wait and see".
    The Battle of Valcour Island started on 11 October 1776. Arnold arranged his fleet of 15 small ships in an arc, hiding in the narrow channel between Valcour Island and the main shore of Lake Champlain. Arnold prepared his 800 men on 15 ships to engage 34 British ships of various sizes that had at least 700 men. Arnold hoped that the British fleet would sail past his position, and when they spotted the American fleet, the British would need to turn around. At that point, the wind would be against them in order to get to the channel were the American fleet was located . . . that was the moment that Arnold wanted to attack. But, if the wind changed direction, the American fleet would be floating in a death trap.

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      The British fleet approached Valcour Island without any scouting vessels, and cruised past the island in an overconfident manner; the British eventually spotted the American fleet when they had sailed south past the island. The wind remained in Arnold's favor; now Arnold needed to lure the British into battle very quickly before they had time to adjust strategy/tactics. Arnold and his fleet darted forward and opened fire; Arnold continued to bark out orders even though the battle didn't start out well for the Americans.
     General Carleton was shaken; this wasn't the battle he had envisioned. The battle raged all afternoon, and as the sun started to set, the superior British firepower began to dominate. The British set in for the night, blocking the American fleet in the channel, and were content to wait until the next morning to finish off the stubborn smaller fleet. Arnold had three options: first, he could stay and fight, which was madness. Second, he could surrender, but to Arnold that wasn't an option worth even considering. So it would be the third option; the British had left a small gap between their line of ships and the shore. Arnold knew the area well, and he knew the gap had water deep enough for his ships to navigate their way through . . . Arnold's plan was for a "Midnight Escape".

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      The night was dark and moonless; shirts were wrapped around the oars, and the American fleet rowed through the gap without being discovered . . . and as at Quebec, Arnold was the last to leave (on his flagship, the Congress). Again, the British were very surprised the next morning; General Carleton was in a rage, largely to cover his own embarrassment at being outfoxed. Carleton gave the order to chase-down the American fleet. Arnold had an eight mile head start, but even so, it would be a close race to the closest American fort at Crown Point. If Arnold could reach the protection of the fort's guns, he would be safe . . . but he was twenty miles away, and the British fleet was closing fast.
     The British fleet caught up with Arnold's ships at noon on 12 October 1776; the American fleet was rowing for their lives as the British fired, and hit some of the American vessels. Again, Arnold's knowledge of the lake paid off in that he knew he was approaching a shallow rocky bay where the British couldn't follow. Arnold headed into the shallow bay, and ordered his men out of the boats on to the shore, carrying the wounded and setting the fleet on fire. The fire reached the powder kegs on each ship, and there were many explosions, which shielded the men as they made their escape on land.  Arnold and his men were still ten miles from the fort at Crown Point, but they reached the fort that night . . . and found out that the army had abandoned the fort and had retreated to Fort Ticonderoga.

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     Arnold and his men reached Ticonderoga at 4 am on 13 October 1776. The American forces at Ticonderoga knew they didn't have enough firepower to hold against a British onslaught. It wasn't until  28 October 1776 that Carleton's fleet was spotted; Carleton had no idea of the strength of the fort's defenses, and his supply lines from Canada had become dangerously long and vulnerable . . . also, Carleton's fleet had taken an unexpected pounding from Arnold's ships.
     Carleton decided that he had enough for one season, and while claiming two victories, he had failed to drive off the Americans from Lake Champlain. The British would have to start all over the next year; if the British had forced the Americans from the lake, and had moved down the Hudson to join the huge British force in NYC, the Revolutionary War would most likely have ended. General Gates and the Americans under his command at Fort Ticonderoga watched the British fleet disappear in the distance . . . Arnold's little navy was destroyed, but that tiny fleet had kept the American Revolution alive.

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The Attempted Assassination of President Ronald Reagan

4/2/2016

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                  Source: H.W. Brands. Reagan: The Life (2015)
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      On 30 March 1981, President Ronald Reagan addressed the leaders of the Building & Construction Trades Department (pictured) of the AFL-CIO at the Washington Hilton, just up Connecticut Avenue from the White House. Union leaders listened respectfully but skeptically; many were disappointed that Reagan didn't endorse federal spending for mass transit and energy projects, which would employ 600,000+ idle workers.
     Nancy Reagan was initially told that Reagan wasn't shot outside the Hilton; but she went to George Washington Hospital as fast as she could anyway. When Nancy arrived, Michael Deaver (one of the members of Reagan's "Troika") told her that Reagan had been shot (the shooter was John Hinckley, Jr.). Reagan later said that he felt a blow in his upper back that was unbelievably painful, and initially thought he had a broken rib. When Reagan started coughing up blood, the Secret Service agent next to him ordered the limousine to the George Washington Hospital . . . during the few minutes to the George Washington, Reagan's condition worsened.

       Inside the double-doors of the hospital, Reagan collapsed; he was held up by Secret Service agents. The George Washington Hospital staff thought that Reagan was suffering from a heart attack, and prepared intravenous lines. Reagan regained consciousness and complained that he couldn't breathe. When the bullet hole was discovered after rolling the President to his right, it was deduced that he had been hit by a ricocheted bullet; a small "wicked disc" remained in Reagan's body. The doctor in charge, Dr. Benjamin Aaron, decided to remove the bullet. When Nancy was allowed into pre-op to see her husband, Reagan said, "Honey, I forgot to duck".
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      Secretary of State Alexander Haig called Chief-of-Staff James Baker III (pictured below with Reagan after the President's recovery) just before Baker left the White House to go to the hospital. Haig was alarmed that the President was incapacitated, even temporarily, with Vice-President George Bush out of D.C. in somewhere in Texas. Haig told Baker he would ensure the chain-of-command by gathering the Cabinet officials most crucial to national security: Defense, Treasury, CIA, National Security Advisor, and the Attorney General, and he would continue to try and reach the Vice-President.
     Baker, as Chief-of-Staff, had to decide whether-or-not to invoke the 25th Amendment; should Vice-President Bush be the acting-President while Reagan was undergoing surgery . . . Baker decided not to do so. Baker didn't want Bush to become an acting-President; Baker liked Bush very much, but Baker and the other Reagan loyalists didn't think Bush's conservative bona fides were nearly stout enough. Also, their was the fact that Baker and Bush were very good friends, and appearances mattered, even when the President was fighting for his life.

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      Press Secretary James Brady's assistant, Larry Speakes, froze under the pressure of the cameras, and didn't have up-to-the-minute information, which created the impression that no one was in charge of the federal government while Reagan was undergoing surgery. Secretary of State Haig was watching the press conference; Haig felt that it was imperative to show that the U.S. had an effective government during the crisis. Haig raced out of the Situation Room and dashed to the Press Room, and took over for Speakes.
     




  
     Haig was asked who was making decisions in the Executive Branch; Haig had intended to calm down the room (and nation), but he arrived out-of-breath, and his words had the opposite effect. Also, Haig made a mistake in terms of the line-of-succession according to the 25th Amendment; the Secretary of State was 5th, not 3rd, in the line-of-succession (after the President is the Vice-President, then the Speaker-of-the-House, then the President Pro-Tem of the Senate, THEN the SecState). Haig's "I am in control here" line was too easily used by TV to portray the SecState in the wrong manner; Haig's main intent was to let the USSR know that there were indeed people in charge of the government and the military. Haig regretted not composing himself before he took the podium and his choice of words . . . but he succeeded in pointing out that he was the senior Cabinet official present, and the government was functioning.

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     Reagan's surgery began smoothly; fresh blood replaced the lost blood, and a breathing tube kept him oxygenated, and the President's vital signs were stable . . . but the bullet proved to be very elusive. Multiple eyes and doctors were involved trying to find the bullet to no avail. During the searches, the bullet kept moving slightly, avoiding detection . . . finally, the bullet was found and removed (an intern had to hold the President's heart in his hands for the bullet to be found and removed).
     The rest of the surgery was straightforward, but still risky, in that an artery needed to be repaired, and a lung sutured (the surgery lasted 70 minutes on a President that was almost 70 years old). Reagan recovered, but Nancy never did; she would remain paranoid when her husband needed to leave the White House for any significant sojourn for the rest of his Presidency . . . Reagan was released after only thirteen days at George Washington Hospital.

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     Reagan recuperated over the next two weeks at the White House, but Nancy could never relax; she knew of the "fatal pattern" of Presidents that were elected in years ending with a zero since 1840 (divisible by 20) . . . Nancy constantly worried that death in office still awaited her husband. The First Lady started to consult an astrologer, Joan Quigley (pictured) whom she had met years ago in California from a mutual friend, Merv Griffin. 
     Quigley claimed to have 30 March 1981 pegged as a "bad day" for Reagan; Nancy became addicted to contacting Quigely when Reagan resumed normal activities as President. Nancy involved Michael Deaver, who made sure that the astrologer remained secret; neither he or Nancy wanted to embarrass the President that she constantly used an astrologer to predict "good days" or "bad days" for her husband.

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     A month-and-a-day after being shot, Reagan asked for, and received permission, to address Congress. Reagan had to fight through extended arms and hands to reach the podium. Reagan reveled in the atmosphere, and reciprocated that good feeling . . . he was performing in front of a receptive audience, a feeling he craved (it was the main reason why he entered politics).
Soon enough during his address, Reagan launched into the topics of less federal spending, finding ways to reduce inflation and to lower taxes (pictured behind Reagan: VP Bush to the left, and Speaker of the House Tip O'Neill to the right).
     Six months after his election, the economy was still in "Stagflation" mode; inflation had scarcely abated and interest rates were punishingly high; 8 million Americans were out of work, and real wages were down. Reagan stated that the effort to improve the economy started with the federal budget; in Reagan's view, government was too big and it spent far too much.
     Reagan's proposed budget had moved along until House Democrats presented their version that kept social spending levels intact, raised taxes, and cut proposed increases in defense spending. Reagan responded that he proposed nothing more than to stop tax increases; he didn't advocate tax cuts as of yet. Reagan's address was in the aftermath of the first Space Shuttle Mission, which had just successfully concluded . . . Reagan stated that "we have much greatness before us"; t
he near-death experience from the attempted assassination only heightened Reagan's sense of mission as President

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President Ronald Reagan: 20 January - 30 March 1981

3/26/2016

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                         Source: H.W. Brands. Reagan: The Life (2015)
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      20 January 1981, Inauguration Day: Outgoing President Jimmy Carter considered himself far more competent than the incoming President, Ronald Reagan. Carter still resented losing to Reagan in the Election of 1980; Carter's mood didn't improve in the least since the Iranian government refused to release the 52 American hostages as long as he was in office. 
     For the first time, a President was inaugurated on the West side of the Capitol Building. Only a handful of people have spoken to a larger crowd than Reagan on his first Inaugural. It was unseasonably warm and cloudy; but when Reagan reached the podium, the sun started to shine. 
     Reagan and his staff decided to cut taxes and get control of federal government spending. Reagan proposed to take the U.S. across the Rubicon with tax cuts ahead of spending cuts. Cutting taxes was the easy part, so Reagan and his staff decided to get those cuts through Congress first, saving the tougher battle on reducing government spending for later. David Stockman, the head of the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) suggested significant spending cuts in every Cabinet department except one . . . Defense. The Defense Department, under SecDef Caspar Weinberger, was able to get most of what it wanted due to Reagan's philosophy of building up the military in order to better deal with the USSR.

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      Presidents have influence on domestic affairs, but they have actual power in foreign affairs. That being said, Reagan in his first term had more influence on domestic affairs compared to most other Presidents, in that he was a believer in Theodore Roosevelt's "Bully Pulpit". Reagan believed that the "Bully Pulpit" gave him an advantage over the Legislative branch. Reagan was the most compelling and effective communicator as President since Franklin Roosevelt, and he knew it. Reagan knew how to read a room, and he was able to reach a vast audience through television. Reagan's message was always the same: smaller government and lower taxes.
    On 18 February 1981, Reagan formally proposed his budget in the House of Representatives. Reagan stated that unless Congress acted now, the economy would  get worse; America was experiencing double-digit unemployment and inflation at the same time ("Stagflation"). Reagan wanted a four-part plan passed by Congress. First, Reagan called for $498B in federal government spending cuts. Reagan went on to say that these were cuts in projected increases; there still would be an absolute increase of $41B in government spending. To some, it already appeared that the new President was weakening his stance on cutting federal government spending.

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      Reagan further weakened his stance by announcing what areas of government would be exempted from spending cuts. Social safety nets such as Social Security and Medicare would be exempted. Reagan than announced that the Defense Department (pictured: President Reagan with his SecDef, Caspar Weinberger in 1981) would see increases in their budget; the President justified this decision by saying that the U.S. faced unprecedented challenges in terms of national security.
     Federal aid for education would be cut, as would federal support for the arts. Concerning education, Reagan said that less federal money was a good thing, in that the cuts would lead to greater local control. Funding for the Energy Department's synthetic fuel research would be reduced, and the Import-Export Bank would lose 1/3 of their funding. Recipients of food stamps would be vigorously scrutinized in order to eliminate freeloaders. Medicaid payments to states would be capped, and the U.S. Postal Service would receive less federal money.

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     Part two of Reagan's proposed budget to Congress centered on tax cuts; specifically, Reagan wanted 10% across-the-board tax cuts. Every year for the next three years, taxes would be cut for all individual income taxpayers. Reagan disagreed that these tax cuts would increase inflation; like spending, these were cuts in projected tax increases. Reagan (pictured in February 1981; Reagan and David Stockman, Director of the OMB, to the right) argued that tax cuts would reduce inflation by increasing overall output, which then would lead to greater revenue for the federal government (that was basically what President Calvin Coolidge did in his administration).
     Reagan predicted that the economy would not only recover under these tax cuts, but would be rolling along and expanding by 1985. Reagan also wanted to encourage investment in business by adjusting the complex-and-outdated tax brackets. But Reagan also stated that changing the tax brackets was a strategy that could be debated and implemented later.

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     Part three dealt with deregulation; Reagan believed that government regulation equaled hidden taxes. Reagan made it clear that no regulations would be removed that were essential for health and safety. But Reagan was clear that many government regulations would have to go, and there would not be any new regulations created. Reagan announced that Vice-President George Bush would lead a committee that would focus on government regulations.
     Lastly was Monetary Policy; Reagan argued that to curb inflation, the growth of the money supply (MS) must be slowed. The Federal Reserve was not in the purview of the President, but Reagan wanted to clearly communicate that he wanted/expected cooperation by the Chairman of the Federal Reserve, Paul Volcker (pictured with Reagan in July 1981, just weeks after the attempted assassination on the President on 30 March 1981).
     Not since the New Deal had a President presented such a sweeping economic program to Congress. It was Reagan's plan, but it required the assent of Congress; Reagan told Congress that the federal government must get out of the way of the American people in order to restore risk-taking, investment, consumer spending, and overall confidence in the economy.

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      Reagan enjoyed holding news conferences and dealing with reporters, at least in early years of his Presidency. Reagan took care to learn all of the names of the reporters that were assigned the White House as their primary beat. Reagan's mastery of details was much less than Carter, but his presence as President was far greater. The first press conference was one week after the Inauguration. Helen Thomas asked Reagan if he would punish or reconcile with Iran; Reagan answered that there would be no punishment, and no reconciliation. 
     Sam Donaldson of ABC News (the reporter that Reagan would come to detest the most) asked about his stance with the USSR; Reagan answered that the US would take a much harder line with the Soviets compared to recent Presidents. Walter Cronkite of CBS News (pictured at Reagan's left on 3 March 1981 - Cronkite was still "The Most Trusted Man in America") was just days away from retirement, and his last hurrah was interviewing Reagan on television. Cronkite asked if bashing the USSR would be productive, and Reagan responded that Leonid Brezhnev already wanted a US/USSR summit. Reagan further commented that he was in no hurry for a US/USSR summit, in that he needed to talk with America's allies in advance. Reagan went on to say that the summit could be canceled if the USSR misbehaved.

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      Despite a comfortable White House routine in terms of personal and Presidential activities (Reagan LOVED creating and keeping schedules), both the President and the First Lady, Nancy, felt confined, and very often went to Camp David on weekends to be outdoors. Fridays and Saturdays were movie nights at Camp David; the favorites of the President and First Lady were the classic "oldies" from their time in Hollywood . . . they watched more modern movies with much less enthusiasm.
     The Reagans returned to the White House on Sunday afternoon, and they already missed Camp David. To the Reagans, Camp David was more soothing and comforting than Rancho del Cielo, their ranch in California. That being said, every few months, Air Force One would whisk the President and First Lady to their ranch in California . . . reporters and cameras were banned.  By late-March 1981, President Ronald Reagan had developed a White House routine that he loved to follow, and he was able to
​re-energize at Camp David on weekends
(pictured: President Reagan and Vice-President George Bush on a trail at Camp David in 1981).
​     On 30 March 1981, Reagan addressed the leaders of the Building and Construction Trades Department of the AFL-CIO at the Washington Hilton, just up Connecticut Avenue from the White House . . . the President had no way to know that John Hinckley, Jr. was lying in wait to assassinate Reagan in order to impress the teen-aged actress Jodie Foster . . . 

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Ronald Reagan & the Republican National Convention of 1976

3/4/2016

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                   Source: H.W. Brands. Reagan: The Life (2015)
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      For the 64 year-old Ronald Reagan, if there was to be a public role after serving as California's Governor for 8 years, it would be in the White House, which was an unrealistic goal until President Richard Nixon imploded during the Watergate Scandal. Nixon was no longer in a position to anoint a moderate successor; for Reagan, pursuing the Republican nomination for President was now a far more realistic proposition.
     Reagan decided to make a run for the Republican nomination in 1976, but he didn't want to look too eager in trying to become the nominee. Reagan actually took a mini-gig on CBS Radio, where he had a daily five minute editorial (pictured: Reagan giving one of radio addresses). Those radio addresses kept Reagan in the public eye; Reagan preferred radio because he thought people would tire of him on television. The major reason was, perhaps, that Reagan thought TV would magnify is age.

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       By 1980, Reagan (pictured below at his ranch  in 1976 with his favorite horse; his wife Nancy is to the left) was speaking via radio to at least 50 million Americans twice each day during commuting time; Reagan wrote every one of his 5 minute radio presentations. Reagan knew the radio was a very intimate medium; he purposely re-created his version of FDR's "Fireside Chats". Reagan wanted the audience to focus on his words and make their own images in their brain, rather than images he would have needed to provide if he was on television. 
     Reagan had no policy agenda beyond his basic conservative principles, which were anchored by his beliefs that the federal government was too large, taxes needed to be reduced, and that the US should stop "playing nice" with the USSR. Reagan expected events to provide opportunity and direction for a political comeback, and that occurred with the Fall of Saigon on 30 April 1975. Reagan blamed a lack of leadership in the federal government for South Vietnam falling to the North Vietnamese communists. Not long his radio addresses on Saigon, Reagan started to question the wisdom of detente with the USSR.

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     Reagan did not think the US/USSR monster grain deal, which lessened Soviet food shortages, was a good deal for US farmers. Mostly, Reagan admitted that there were some economic benefits for the US, but he questioned the morality of the grain deal with communist Russia. 
     Reagan was appointed to the Rockefeller Commission (Nelson Rockefeller was President Gerald Ford's Vice-President), which was investigating the Central Intelligence Agency's actions. However, Reagan attended less than half the committee's 26 meetings. At the end of the investigation, Reagan signed the committee's report, which was no more than a "slap on the wrist" to the CIA.
      However, another investigation, the Church Committee, chaired by Democratic Senator Frank Church of Idaho (pictured to the left, with Republican Senator John Tower of Texas to the right), uncovered CIA shenanigans. The Church Committee outlined CIA activities in Iran in 1953 (the Shah of Iran was brought back to power), Guatemala in 1954, the Bay of Pigs disaster in 1961, and assorted attempted assassinations. Conservatives like Reagan didn't want any sunshine on the CIA, which in their view could only weaken a part of the government that needed to stay viable and effective against foreign threats.

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      Reagan didn't want to wait until President Ford stepped aside; he would challenge the President of the United States for the Republican nomination (pictured: Reagan and Ford at the Republican National Convention in Kansas City, MO). If Reagan had won the Election of 1976, only William Henry Harrison would have been older entering office. For Reagan, it was 1976 or never in terms of becoming President; the problem for Reagan was that it was a desperate decision, not an astute move, in pursuing the nomination at that point in time.
     It was a long shot for Reagan to defeat Ford for the Republican nomination; as President, Ford had vast power within the party machinery compared to Reagan. Reagan also risked being blamed for splitting the Republican Party, and if Ford lost the General Election, Reagan would face even more blame. On 20 November 1975, Ronald Reagan formally declared himself as a candidate for President at the National Press Club in Washington, D.C.

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      In December 1975, a Gallup poll had Reagan ahead of President Ford 40% to 32% among Republicans. In February 1976, Ford defeated Reagan by 1% in the New Hampshire primary (pictured: Reagan campaigning in New Hampshire in January 1976). Reagan and his team made a tactical blunder, in that he left New Hampshire during the final two days before the primary vote to campaign in the Midwest. Ford's campaign took full advantage, claiming the mantle of victory in New Hampshire, and benefiting from the corresponding momentum. 
     Reagan and his campaign staff knew they had blown it in New Hampshire, and were unable to effectively compete in the next five primaries, losing to Ford in all of the contests. Each loss in a primary eroded Reagan's credibility in the Republican Party, and Reagan was pressured to drop out of the race, and support Ford as a loyal Republican. Reagan responded that he would battle all the way to the Republican National Convention in Kansas City.

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     After Reagan was trounced in Florida, even his wife, Nancy, thought Reagan should drop out of the primaries (her main fear was that Reagan would not recover from what she viewed as repeated political embarrassments). But Reagan, with the help of Senator Jesse Helms
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(R; NC) was able to arrange a 30 minute television broadcast, where Reagan espoused his conservative bona fides, and where he also was able to re-introduce himself to the American South.
     Reagan attacked President Ford for "giving away" the Panama Canal, something over which Ford had no influence or control, other than to continue what had started in the 1960s. But Reagan's attack struck a chord, and Reagan stunned Ford and the Republican leadership by winning North Carolina 52% to 46%. North Carolina had their delegates committed proportionately, so Reagan only garnered 28 delegates to Ford's 26. But the flow of campaign money increased, and Reagan was able to continue . . . Ford and his staff cast Reagan as a Republican Party "wrecker". 
     Reagan captured more Southern primaries, as well as Indiana, California, and Nebraska. The Ford team had a modest lead over Reagan in terms of delegates heading into Kansas City, Missouri. But the decision was made to bring James Baker (pictured above) to the Ford campaign, an organizing genius with legendary political connections, to insure that the Republican National Convention would not descend into chaos, which would benefit Reagan.

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      Conventional wisdom had Ford needing about 40 more delegates for the nomination, with Reagan needing a little more than 100. Reagan gambled when he named his Vice-Presidential candidate early, selecting Senator Richard Schweiker (R; PA) in an effort to claim Pennsylvania's delegates. But Reagan and his team once again miscalculated, and he lost many of the Southern delegates that he had worked so hard to get in his fold during the primaries . . . and it turned out that Schweiker couldn't deliver on the expected Pennsylvania delegates.
     Reagan's defeat was sealed as a result, with Ford capturing 1187 delegates to Reagan's 1070. Despite the totals, conservative Republicans stayed with Reagan. Ford didn't ask Reagan to be his Vice-President, and Reagan never offered to be Vice-President. According to James Baker (Reagan's future Chief-of-Staff and the Secretary of the Treasury), had Reagan been asked to be the VP, he would have done so out of a sense of party loyalty . . . but if that would have occurred, it would have been very unlikely that Reagan would have been elected President in 1980. (pictured above: Reagan shaking hands with President Ford on the stage in Kansas City, with V.P. Rockefeller in the background).

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     The Presidential Election of 1976: A Presidential Elector in Washington state, Mike Padden, was committed by tradition to vote for President Gerald Ford, who won the state over the Democratic candidate, Jimmy Carter. However, Padden used his Presidential Electoral Vote for Reagan instead of Ford (Padden didn't think Ford's stand against abortion was strong enough). Padden used his Vice-Presidential Electoral Vote for Ford's running mate, Senator Bob Dole (KS) . . . Dole received more Electoral Votes than than did President Ford, which was the first time a V.P. candidate received more votes in the Electoral College than the Presidential candidate from the same party.

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Ronald Reagan: 1967 - 1975

3/4/2016

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                   Source: H.W. Brands. Reagan: The Life (2015)
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      Governor Ronald Reagan took special pleasure in attacking the University of California at Berkeley whenever possible. Reagan vowed to "clean up" Berkeley, citing a need to change the leadership at the university's administration, which he believed was enabling a minority of malcontents to disrupt the education of the majority of students. 
     In February 1969, the Third World Liberation Front attempted to close down Berkeley's campus; Reagan responded by declaring an "extreme emergency", and sent state troopers to assist local authorities. Several weeks later, a property dispute arose at Berkeley, where a recently purchased lot remained empty; hippies and radicals squatted in the lot, proclaiming it to be the "People's Park" (pictured). Reagan had taken some criticism in California when he pursued the Republican nomination that he wasn't decisive-enough to be Governor . . . Reagan was itching to show that he was indeed decisive.

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     Reagan unilaterally ordered the area cleared, and then a fence erected to keep out the squatters. The fence was quickly erected, but a march to "take back" the People's Park started to move towards the area. Protesters threw rocks, concrete, and metal objects at the police, while police responded with tear gas and shotguns loaded with birdshot or buckshot (which was far worse, and its use was disputed by the police). Dozens of protesters were wounded, and one was killed; the California National Guard was called in, and remained under Reagan's orders.
    Reagan officially blamed the "street gangs" and "campus radicals" for the violence; Reagan's words exacerbated the crisis, and shortly afterwards, National Guard helicopters sprayed tear gas on the protesters (pictured: a helicopter spraying tear gas on 20 May 1969). The Berkeley faculty denounced Reagan's "military occupation", and demanded an audience with the Governor. In a televised address at the Commonwealth Club in San Francisco, Reagan held firm. He cited many examples of lawbreaking in the last year at Berkeley, and he specifically identified the leaders of the riots as political agitators, with "lemmings" as followers. Reagan also called-out the Berkeley faculty, blaming them for creating the current polarized atmosphere on campus.

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      Reagan ran for re-election in 1970 while campus turmoil shifted to the University of California at Santa Barbara, where radicals were protesting the Military-Corporate Complex. Reagan once again declared a state of emergency, and again called in the National Guard. Reagan thought he knew the cause of the crisis: a small group of revolutionaries trying to rock the boat . . . Reagan was quoted as saying, "If it's to be a bloodbath, let it be now" (a comment which he obviously regretted). 
     California voters liked Reagan and his pragmatism, but they weren't as enthusiastic in 1970 as they were in 1966: in 1966, Reagan had .580 of the popular vote, compared to .530 in 1970. Although the margin of victory in 1970 was half that of 1966, Reagan viewed it as a "win-is-a-win", and accepted the outcome (pictured: campus unrest increased in 1970 when Nixon ordered the invasion of neutral Cambodia).

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      In 1964, Americans soundly rejected Barry Goldwater's ultra-conservatism, and in 1972, Americans soundly rejected George McGovern's ultra-liberalism; Nixon was right in the middle between the two extremes, which appealed to most Americans. Big government wasn't the enemy, and it wasn't a best friend . . . most Americans wanted a stable, calm status quo.
     For Reagan, if there was a public role after serving two terms as Governor of California, it was in the White House, which was an unrealistic goal until Nixon's implosion during Watergate. Reagan (pictured with Nancy on 10 March 1974 returning to Los Angeles) turned 64 after his two terms, and Nixon was no longer in a political position to anoint a moderate successor . . . the road was wide open, and Reagan decided to make a run for the Republican nomination in 1976 (but not too eagerly . . .).

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      Reagan actually took a mini-gig on CBS Radio, five minutes twice a day during the commutes. Reagan was able to stay in the public eye, and avoid being on television; he believed that people would tire of seeing him on TV every day with Walter Cronkite (another reason was that Reagan thought the TV would magnify his age). By 1980, Reagan was speaking to at least 50 million people in the morning and afternoon.
     Reagan wrote every one of his five minute radio broadcasts himself. Reagan remembered the intimate nature of FDR's "Fireside Chats", and re-created his version twice a day. Reagan wanted his words to be the focus, not images he would have needed to feature on TV. Reagan had no policy agenda beyond his basic conservative principles; he expected events to provide direction, and that occurred with the Fall of Saigon in 1975.

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     Reagan blamed a lack of leadership in the federal government for the nation of Vietnam becoming all-Communist. Soon, in his radio addresses, he started questioning the wisdom of "detente" with the USSR. Reagan had a big problem with the US/USSR monster grain deal which lessened food shortages in Russia; mostly, he questioned the morality of the grain deal (why should the US assist a communist nation in any way?) admitting that there were economic gains, especially by US farmers.
     Reagan was appointed to the Rockefeller Commission, whose job it was to investigate the CIA. Reagan attended less than half of the 26 meetings (Reagan is pictured to the left of Vice-President Nelson Rockefeller); in the end, Reagan signed the Commission's findings, which were basically a "slap on the wrist" against the CIA. 
     But, the Church Committee (chaired by Senator Frank Church of Idaho) uncovered shenanigans by the CIA, including Iran in 1953, Guatemala in 1954, and the Bay of Pigs in 1961, as well as assassination attempts. Conservatives, like Reagan, didn't like any sunshine showing on the CIA; to Reagan, the CIA needed to stay viable and effective to guard against foreign threats . . . especially Communist foreign threats.

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Governor Ronald Reagan and Campus Turmoil in California

2/21/2016

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                Source: H.W. Brands. Reagan: The Life (2015)
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      Governor Reagan took special pleasure in attacking UC-Berkeley whenever possible (even when he was campaigning for Governor in 1966). Reagan vowed to "clean up" the campus at the University of California at Berkeley, citing a need to change the university's administration, which in his view was enabling a minority of beatniks and malcontents to disrupt the education of the majority of students.
     In February 1969, the "3rd World Liberation Front" attempted to close down Berkeley's campus. Reagan responded by declaring the situation an "extreme emergency", and he sent state troopers to assist local law enforcement. In the spring of 1969, a property dispute erupted, where a recently purchased lot by the university sat idle, and hippies and radicals squatted in the area proclaiming the lot to be the "People's Park"
(pictured: squatters working to create the "People's Park" in the idle lot). Reagan had taken some criticism in California that he wasn't a decisive governor, and Reagan was itching to show his decisiveness to the entire nation.

     Governor Reagan unilaterally ordered the area cleared, and then a fence erected to the out the protesters. The fence was quickly constructed, but a march to "take back" the People's Park started to move towards the area. Protesters threw rocks, concrete, and metal at the police, while police used tear gas and and in some situations, used shotguns with birdshot (or buckshot, which was worse). Dozens of protesters were wounded, and one was killed. Reagan called in the California National Guard, and they remained until the crisis ended. Reagan officially blamed the "street gangs" and campus radicals for the violence. (Below: a short video segment that summarizes Reagan's response in Berkeley in May 1969)
      Reagan's rhetoric exacerbated the crisis at Berkeley; helicopters were called in to spray more tear gas to disperse the protesters. The Berkeley faculty demanded an audience, and denounced Reagan’s “military occupation” on the campus. Reagan held firm as he addressed the Commonwealth Club in San Francisco, which was carried on live television. 
     Reagan cited many examples of lawbreaking in the past year at Berkeley, and he specifically identified the leaders of the riots as political agitators; Reagan also blamed those that followed the riot's leaders. Reagan also called out the faculty for creating the current polarized atmosphere on campus.

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      In the gubernatorial  election in California in 1970, Reagan ran for re-election. Campus turmoil continued, this time at UC-Santa Barbara, where radicals were protesting against the Military-Corporate Complex. Reagan once again declared a state of emergency, and once again called in the National Guard.
     Reagan thought he knew the cause of the riots in Berkeley and Santa Barbara: a small group of revolutionaries that enjoyed creating a crisis. Reagan was quoted as saying, on 7 April 1970, "If it's to be a bloodbath, let it be now" . . . Reagan regretted saying those words, especially since they were publicly reported. But a majority of voters liked Reagan and his pragmatism, but they weren't as enthusiastic in 1970 as in 1966. In 1970, Reagan garnered 53% of the popular vote, while in 1966 it was 58%. Reagan's margin of victory was about half of what it was in 1966, but Reagan accepted the results, saying a "win is a win". 

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      University and college campuses erupted in protest nationwide when President Nixon ordered the invasion of Cambodia; Governor Reagan continued to take a hard line against campus protests, regardless of the motivations. In 1964, American voters soundly rejected Barry Goldwater's ultra-conservatism; in 1972, American voters resoundingly rejected George McGovern's ultra-liberalism. Richard Nixon was right in the middle between the two political extremes, and he often appealed to both sides. To Nixon, big government was not the enemy, but it wasn't a best friend, either . . . most Americans wanted a predictable and stable status quo by the early-1970s. In the Election of 1972, Nixon won 49 states; only Massachusetts (and Washington, D.C.) the most liberal state in the nation at that time, voted for McGovern.

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Ronald Reagan: 1964 to July 1968

2/14/2016

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                     Source: H.W. Brands. Reagan: The Life (2015)
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      In 1964 Ronald Reagan needed work, and he was hired as the host of "Death Valley Days", a television show that had its roots in radio. Reagan was able to travel much as he did when he was the host of "General Electric Theater", but this time in service of his own political brand: "Reagan the Conservative". 
     Opinion polls had Reagan far ahead of any other challenger for the Election of 1966 for Governor of California, and the national media had started to notice. Reagan's main problem at this point was that he needed to keep the conservative wing of the Republican Party happy without scaring the devil out of everyone else in California, which was what Barry Goldwater was unable to do in 1964. Even though Reagan had previously attacked Republican moderates, he toned down his rhetoric in early-1966 concerning that wing of the party.

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     On 4 January 1966, Reagan felt it was time to formally announce his candidacy for Governor of California. Reagan did so with a 30m TV special that was broadcast to 16 stations around California. In the California Republican primary, Reagan won by a 2:1 margin; conservatives now had real hope for Reagan winning the gubernatorial election. 
     Reagan had a winning personality to go with his conservative credentials. Governor Pat Brown, by comparison, looked stodgy and slow. In a June 1966 poll, Reagan held an eleven point lead over Brown, and the Governor was never able to close the gap. On 8 November 1966, Reagan crushed Brown by tallying one million more votes; Republicans swept the statewide offices as well. Nationally, seven other Republicans were elected governor, and Republicans won three Senate seats, and forty-seven seats in the House of Representatives.

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      Reagan started his term as Governor on 2 January 1967, with his public Inauguration occurring a few days later (pictured). The details of governing would rarely interest Reagan; he was a man of ideas and principles . . . the details he left to others. The typical person that worked for Reagan did whatever he/she could to make life easier for Reagan, even though he never asked them to do so. Such was Reagan's personality - niceness, integrity, vision, etc.; people worked hard for him. Reagan's vision and philosophy was his strength, while an over-reliance on many others to carry out the necessary details of government was a weakness . . . both his strengths and weaknesses became apparent as he tried to balance California's budget.

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     Although California law prohibited the state from running a deficit, accounting gimmicks from Governor Brown's administration meant that Reagan inherited a budget that was wildly out-of-balance. Reagan proposed a 10% overall slash in the budget; that proposal antagonized anyone that looked to state programs for assistance . . . Reagan's budget proposal created far more losers than winners. (pictured: Governor Reagan and President-Elect Richard Nixon at the 1969 Rose Bowl)
     The Governor of California was expected to socialize, but Reagan was more of a loner by nature. Reagan went home every night, while state legislators, who were away from home in Sacramento, would "howl and the night". Reagan made some efforts at socializing, for example inviting legislators over for dinner, but his efforts didn't close the "social gap" between the branches of state government.
     California Democrats in the legislature attacked Reagan's budget proposal; it turned out that the Democrats paid far more attention to details than the new Governor. Democrats pointed out that Reagan's proposed 10% cuts across-the-board wouldn't eliminate the state budget deficit, and therefore a tax increase was needed. Reagan was forced to compromise with the legislature; a $1 billion tax increase was featured, which went against Reagan's fiscal philosophy (two of his basic principles were smaller government and less taxes), but he had to take what he could get with the state legislature so soon after taking office.

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     As the Republican National Convention (RNC) in Miami approached in the summer of 1968, Richard Nixon (pictured, in "Campaign Mode"), a moderate Republican, had positioned himself nicely for the nomination. Reagan looked around for the party's #1 conservative, and discovered that he was that man. Reagan allowed the California delegation to the RNC to nominate him as a "Favorite Son" candidate. With 86 delegates from California, Reagan hoped to develop momentum before the RNC.
     Reagan, like Nixon, went on a multi-state speaking tour before the convention. Reagan campaigned like a candidate for President, even though he was technically non-committal. When Robert Kennedy was assassinated in June 1968, Nixon, the moderate, politically benefited far more than Reagan. Moderate Republicans evoked less emotional passions in the extremely polarized social and political landscape of 1968 compared to the conservative Reagan, who to many was still a very scary proposition, even among Republicans.

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      Nixon had enough delegates from the primaries to win the nomination as the Presidential candidate for the Republican Party on the first ballot. As the Republican National Convention convened in August 1968 in Miami, Nelson Rockefeller and Ronald Reagan both tried to sap Nixon's strength; Reagan's people tried to get a speaking appearance for Reagan in front of the entire convention before any balloting took place. 
    But Nixon was a savvy politician, and he was able to keep Reagan off the stage before the balloting while courting Southern delegates by promising that he wouldn't nominate a liberal Republican for the Vice-Presidential slot (Nixon selected Spiro Agnew as his running mate). As predicted, Nixon won the nomination on the first ballot with 692 delegates, while Reagan finished third with 182 (Nelson Rockefeller finished second with 277); only then did Nixon allow Reagan on the stage to address the convention, for the sole purpose of recommending that Nixon's nomination be unanimous (the final ballot, after "switching", was Nixon with 1238 delegates, Rockefeller with 93, and Reagan with 2; pictured above - NBC anchorman John Chancellor interviewing Reagan on the floor of the convention).

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Ronald Reagan: 1961 - 1965

2/3/2016

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                     Source: H.W. Brands. Reagan: The Life (2015)
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      Some enter politics seeking power, but Ronald Reagan entered politics wanting attention. Unlike Lyndon Johnson and Richard Nixon, who were about power and making their marks on history, Reagan merely wanted a large audience, notice, and applause . . . he craved the political stage.
     In the early-1960s, the ratings for General Electric Theater were slipping; the format was outdated compared to most other programs. In 1961, the Justice Department launched a probe into price-fixing, and GE was the prime target; JFK's election as President had shifted the political landscape towards Liberalism and Big Government. Reagan was bucking the political tide with his conservative speeches, and GE didn't want their profile to be any greater than what it already was with the government. GE offered to let Reagan do GE commercials if he would stop talking conservative politics when he was representing the company. In 1962, Reagan formally refused GE's offer, and GE canceled their TV show, completely severing ties with Reagan.

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      Reagan was unemployed during the most dire moment of the Cold War: the Cuban Missile Crisis in October 1962. The Cold War was in Europe, Asia, Southeast Asia, Africa, and Latin America, especially with Fidel Castro in Cuba. Soviet missiles in Cuba gave U.S. leaders a sobering taste of the elixir that the USSR was drinking in terms of the proximity of enemy nuclear missiles. 
     In the midst of the Cuban Missile Crisis, the growing US involvement in Vietnam, and JFK's Assassination, Reagan had the opportunity to publicize his conversion to Republican Conservatism (he had long been a "New Deal Democrat"). Republicans were split, some believing that the moderate President Eisenhower was too accommodating, not only to liberals, but also to the USSR. These conservatives pointed to the expanded role of the federal government, the main reason being Social Security. These conservative Republicans were concerned that the Grand Old Party was actually losing its political soul. (Pictured: an ad promoting a conservative speech by Reagan while he was still employed with General Electric)

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      Senator Barry Goldwater (AZ) was the best of the conservative Republicans to promote for high office. While he rode Eisenhower's coattails to the Senate, Goldwater called Ike's policies "A Dime Store New Deal". Easily re-elected to the Senate in 1958, Goldwater appealed to millions of American conservatives; he lamented the growth of Big Government, but supported a large military in order to meet the threat of international communism, especially from the USSR.
     Goldwater favored equality, but he opposed Civil Rights on the political belief that the states should have the authority with legislation on that issue, not the federal government. Goldwater was contested in the Republican primaries by Nelson Rockefeller (pictured: Goldwater is to the right), the Governor of New York. Goldwater edged Rockefeller in the California primary, which gave Goldwater a decided advantage in the Republican National Convention in the Cow Palace in San Francisco.

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      The Republican National Convention of 1964 was perhaps the ugliest in the 108 year history of the party. Western conservatives howled and heckled the moderate Rockefeller, and then used his divorce and remarriage as an issue to sidetrack his nomination; conservatives were not about to let a divorced man be their party's nominee for President.
     Moderates tried every trick they knew to keep Goldwater from becoming their party's candidate, even during the "11th Hour", but Goldwater and his supporters had a lock on the nomination. Goldwater became the nominee with 883 delegates, William Scranton (Governor of PA) finished second with 214, and Rockefeller finished a very distant third with 114 delegates.
     During his acceptance speech, Goldwater stated "extremism in the defense of liberty . . . is no vice . . . and moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue"; conservative Republicans were elated. But conservatives soon discovered that they had nominated an unelectable candidate for the Election of 1964: President Lyndon Johnson received the highest percentage of the popular vote in history, .611, to Goldwater's .385.

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      Goldwater's main motivation for asking Reagan to give the "Time For Choosing" TV/radio address (27 October 1964) so close to the election was to try and woo as many Southern Democrats to vote for Goldwater as possible. The speech was a huge success for Reagan; no speech in US History did more to launch a political career. True, William Jennings Bryan's "Cross of Gold" Speech in 1896, and Abraham Lincoln's "Cooper Union Address" in 1860 were significant, but both were already in politics . . . Reagan had never held any elected office . . . he had never even run for an elected office.
     Reagan had only been a Republican for two years, and with one speech, he was viewed as the #1 conservative Republican after Goldwater's disastrous showing in the Election of 1964. Almost immediately, Reagan was being mentioned as a Republican candidate for the Governor of California. Democratic Governor Pat Brown's second term expired in 1966, and many California Republicans viewed Reagan as their chance to win the state's highest political office.

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      Reagan (pictured riding a horse at his ranch in 1965) and the Republicans in California faced obstacles, especially because the state had overwhelmingly voted for LBJ in 1964. Also, Reagan didn't have political experience, and he had been a Democrat for most of his 53 years . . . and many still viewed him as too conservative. Added to the hurdles in place was that Reagan hated flying, and preferred to travel by train, which drastically reduced the number of campaign appearances he could make.
     But Reagan was a Southern Californian, and that's where most of the votes were located, and his apparent Republican opponent for the nomination was a Northern Californian. Reagan had the advantage of coming through great on television, and when Reagan spoke, it was on broad principles instead of political details. Reagan did attack moderate Republicans, stating that the moderates were the main reason for Goldwater's defeat. Despite his popularity in California, Reagan remained noncommittal about running for governor.

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      For conservatives in the 1960s, the decade was the worst of times; tradition and stability were challenged as had rarely occurred before. But at the peak of Liberalism, when LBJ signed the Civil Rights Act of 1964 into law, he commented to journalist Bill Moyers that he thought that he just delivered the South to the Republicans for a very long time. 
     But, ironically, the 1960s were the best of times for conservatives as well, in that there was a sense of lawlessness and disorder that galvanized conservatives into action across the nation. Race riots occurred in Harlem, Philadelphia, Rochester (NY), and Jersey City in 1964, and then the Watts Riot (headline pictured to the left) started just days after LBJ signed the Voting Rights Act of 1965 into law. (the only African-Americans that were safe during the riot were those that shouted "Burn Baby Burn"). Until 1965, the main complaint of conservatives was that the federal government was too large, but with the race riots, conservatives actually started to think that the federal government might be too small to secure law and order.

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      Conservatives blamed "Bleeding-Heart Liberals" for the lack of law and order in America. Conservatives didn't see poverty and inequality as the main causes of lawlessness and disorder; to conservatives, Liberalism corroded the US character, and the race riots were confirming evidence. 
     And then, there were the Baby Boomers; they represented the first huge wave of students that hit colleges / universities in the 1960s. These Baby Boomer students demanded autonomy and protested such issues as freedom of speech. The University of California at Berkeley was the first flashpoint; a combination of anti-Establishment and anti-Vietnam activists protested the restrictions of freedom of speech on campus. Conservatives were especially irked by the anti-Vietnam War protesters, whose war model was World War II; many conservatives branded resistance to the draft as sedition, or even treason.
     Conservatives, such as Reagan, wondered who was more responsible for what was wrong with America: the over-sized liberal government under LBJ, or the "Long Hair" protesters on college campuses. The question that was most-often asked by conservatives was this: why didn't the federal government do something about the disorder in America? Due to this frustration and anxiety, the stage was set for a conservative backlash to Liberalism, and with the right candidate, Conservatism could rise again . . . the stage was set for Ronald Reagan's entry into politics in the California Gubernatorial Election of 1966.

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Ronald Reagan, the McCarthy Era, and Television (1948 - 1954)

1/23/2016

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                Source: H.W. Brands. Reagan: The Life (2015)
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      Republican conservatives absolutely hated the Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan, mostly for fiscal reasons; to them, the New Deal had gone international, and Big Government was growing bigger at the expense of the American citizens. The Election of 1948 looked bleak for President Harry Truman, since many Americans were clamoring for a change-of-party after 16 years of Democrats in the White House. But Truman barely eaked-out a victory; Ronald Reagan, out of habit, remained loyal to the Democrats, endorsing Truman and raising campaign funds for the President.
    Truman celebrated his narrow electoral victory by having the US join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), which was a huge affront to Republican conservatives. NATO was America's first peace-time alliance, which committed the US in advance to defend Britain, France, Italy, and 8 other nations from any external attack. Truman and most of the Democrats saw NATO as the "Capstone of Containment", while conservatives thought war-making powers were taken from Congress and handed to the Executive.
     Republicans overall were in a quandary, in that they hated Big Government, but they also hated Communism. In the end, Republicans (especially conservatives) believed that the threat to US liberty was greater from international communism than from domestic liberals. Therefore, there was just enough Republican support in Congress to approve NATO, as well as Truman's Cold War agenda.

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      In 1948, the Supreme Court ruled that the major studios couldn't also control theater distribution (U.S. v. Paramount); for the first time, the studios had to compete to place their movies in American theaters. The big movie stars had nothing to worry about, but marginal actors, such as Ronald Reagan, found less-and-less work.
     Another factor that changed the landscape for the big studios in Hollywood was television. By 1955, 30 million homes had a TV, which was about half the residences in America (by 1960, there would be 60 million residences with TV). As the President of the Screen Actor's Guild (SAG), Reagan had to decide if TV actors would be represented by SAG. To Reagan and SAG, TV actors seemed more like stage actors, so the decision was delayed. The radio industry tried to create an all-encompassing union for actors & performers, but Reagan still resisted, believing that movie actors represented the elite aspects of the industry. Plus, most of the members of SAG lived in Hollywood, where most other performers lived in New York City.

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      Reagan also saw a political problem, believing the Television Authority (TVA) might be a haven for subversives (Reagan characterized the TVA as "catnip to a kitten where the little Red brothers are concerned"). In other words, Reagan believed that "One Big Union" played into the hands of communist subversives; ultimately, SAG stood pat, and TV actors joined the radio performers in the American Federation of TV & Radio Artists.
     Theodore Roosevelt was the first celebrity President, using the newspapers as his medium to do so. Franklin Roosevelt was the first President to really use the radio, and Reagan, as President, would use TV to great effect, but . . . it was Senator Joseph McCarthy (R; WI) that was the first major politician to use television. The political atmosphere in America was perfect for an ambitious politician like McCarthy; in 1949, the USSR announced they had the atomic bomb, Klaus Fuchs and Julius & Ethel Rosenberg were arrested, and China became a communist nation. The political atmosphere was perfect for McCarthy's rise to prominence when he gave his "Communist Infiltration" televised press conference; to most Americans, there was a real battle between Democracy and Communism, not only globally, but also in the U.S.

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     Not long after McCarthy's televised press conference, North Korea invaded South Korea. McCarthy's "discovery" of communists in the State Department gave Republicans a powerful weapon, which they used against President Truman and the Democrats. Stunned by Truman's victory in 1948, the Republicans abandoned all respect for the President, and declared war on all-things-Truman. To the Republican leadership, McCarthy was just the bashi-bazouk ("undisciplined bandit") to lead their charge. 
    



     


   







                     
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​     McCarthy's attacks on Truman made the President un-electable in 1952; Truman didn't even pursue the Democratic nomination. Dwight Eisenhower delivered the White House to the Republicans for the first time since Herbert Hoover in 1928. McCarthy soon attacked Ike, claiming that he wasn't nearly as vigilant as he needed to be as President in dealing with the USSR, as well as subversives in the U.S. The Republican Leadership in the Senate gave McCarthy the chair on the Committee of Government Operations, and he used that chairmanship as a platform for his holy war against subversives, using live television to cover his committee hearings.

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     The Army-McCarthy Hearings aired on live television in 1954, with ABC showing all of the hearings, while CBS and NBC had partial coverage. President Eisenhower and the Army were still seething at McCarthy's attacks on SecState George Marshall, and Ike and the Army set a trap for McCarthy.
     A McCarthy aide wanted favorable treatment for an assistant that had been drafted, which allowed the Army leadership to publicly denounce McCarthy . . . in essence, the Army "triple-dog-dared" McCarthy to hold televised hearings, and McCarthy obliged. The hearings aired for 36 days with 20 million viewers; McCarthy lacked the requisite "TV Persona", and as a result his approval plummeted. McCarthy's defeat proved the power of television to shape political perceptions; among many others, John F. Kennedy and Ronald Reagan were watching, learning, and waiting. (Below: the moment caught on television that was the beginning-of-the-end for Senator Joseph McCarthy . . . "Have you no sense of
decency, sir . . .")

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Ronald Reagan, Hollywood, and HUAC (1947)

1/16/2016

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                   Source:  H.W. Brands. Reagan: The Life (2015)
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     Historically, there have been two main reasons for Congressional investigations. The first was to gather information for quality legislation, and the second was put/keep elected officials in the public eye . . . these Representatives / Senators would be the "Guardians of the Commonweal". 
     Investigations on suspected subversion have numbered a close second to war inquiries. But challenging the conduct of a war meant challenging the President (that's why most investigations have occurred after wars); challenging subversion, however was politically safe. Subversives, if they actually existed, were on the margin of society, and had few defenders. Members of Congress could foam-at-the-mouth with little worry of negative political consequences if they launched an investigation on suspected subversives.
    During World War I, Congress investigated German subversion in the US. When Germany was defeated, the focus immediately shifted to Bolshevik subversion, which was the "1st Red Scare". The House Committee on Un-American Activities was created in 1937 (it was originally called the "Dies Committee" since it was under the leadership of Chairman Martin Dies, Jr. 
​D; TX, pictured above)
, and launched its first investigation in 1938 . . . Dies tried to prove that communists were linked to the New Deal. In 1946, the committee started using the acronym HUAC (House Un-American Activities Committee).

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       After the death of Franklin Roosevelt (12 April 1945) and the end of World War II, the Dies (pronounced Deez) Committee focused on FDR's pro-USSR propaganda films, which depicted Russia and Stalin as worthy allies against the Nazis. In 1945, the Dies Committee issued a confidential report that Hollywood was infested with communists. The report stated that if nothing was done with the 500+ communists, they would take over the film industry. Charges of communist subversion in the US was an effective ploy to use against Democrats in the Off-Year Election in 1946; Republicans took control of both houses, and swung into action against Hollywood (as well as President Harry Truman).
     In the spring of 1947, HUAC (pictured; HUAC committee member, California Representative Richard Nixon) launched a new investigation and sent members to assess the situation in Hollywood; studio executives were questioned about FDR's influence in making WW II propaganda films in support of the USSR . . . but the investigation that spring was nothing compared to the all-out investigation in the fall.

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        HUAC summoned dozens of Hollywood producers, directors, writers, and actors to Washington, D.C. HUAC's official reason was to "spotlight" communists, to determine the extent of communist subversion in the film industry . . . then the public could do what it wanted at that point. The hearings were a big deal to the American public, in that witnesses were often famous Hollywood personalities.
      During the fall hearings, studio executives named people, including Dalton Trumbo (pictured; screenwriter) by Jack Warner; Director Sam Wood ("Kings Row", in which Reagan was a star) also listed names, and Louis B. Mayer was cooperative. But Mayer told HUAC that the industry did a great job of keeping communists at bay; these executives walked a thin line, in that they didn't want Congress to censor movies, but the executives also didn't want to be seen as obstructing a high-profile Congressional investigation . . . especially by movie-goers.

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      The entire film industry was based on restraint-of-trade, and the studio executives didn't want to upset Congress, who then just might step in and break up the Hollywood Oligarchy of studios. After the executives, actors testified; Robert Taylor said he had often detected communist influences. After a few other actors, Ronald Reagan testified (pictured); his service in WW II greatly impressed the members of HUAC. 
     Reagan echoed what was stated before, being more specific without identifying people. He stated under oath that he believed that there was a communist influence in Hollywood, based on the votes of the Screen Actors Guild (SAG; of which he was their President) on certain issues. Reagan went on to say that Hollywood could police itself, claiming that 90% of SAG was communist-free. Reagan, again on the record, stated that unless the American Communist Party was directly influenced by the USSR, the party should not be banned, telling HUAC to let "Democracy do it's thing".

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      Reagan really enjoyed being on the national political stage (he later entered politics mostly due to craving an audience and praise), plus he was very good at it, using his quick brain to respond in a variety of ways, including the use of humor. Reagan struck just the right chord of cooperation with HUAC in defending Hollywood, and he came out of the hearings with his reputation and image enhanced. 
     The same could not be said about the ten writers/directors, called "The Hollywood 10", who were cited for Contempt of Congress by a vote of 346 - 17. The most famous of the "10" was the first to testify, 
John Howard Lawson of the Screen Writer's Guild (Dalton Tumbo was part of the "10" as well). "The Hollywood 10" became heroes to the Liberals and Leftists, and pariahs to Conservatives all at the same time.            
     Studio Executives, once it became clear that public opinion was solidly behind HUAC, studio execs started to deny jobs to those in "The Hollywood 10", saying that their actions reflected poorly on the film industry. Those executives stated they would not employ any of the "10" until they were acquitted and declared under oath that they were not a communist. The executives also said the policy wasn't just for the "10"; they knew there was a risk, in that innocent people could be hurt, and that creativity suffered when fear was in the atmosphere in Hollywood.

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      The HUAC hearings changed Reagan; he was exposed to the allure of the political stage, and he was also at an ideological abyss (he was still a self-proclaimed "New Deal Democrat" in 1947), over which he jumped when he joined the studio executives on the issue of communists in Hollywood. Fortunately for Reagan, "The Hollywood 10" weren't actors, so his job as SAG President was unaffected. Keeping actors working while keeping SAG "communist-free" coincided with the interests/goals of the executives.
     Reagan asked the executives what would happen if HUAC charged an actor with being a communist; the executives responded that if the actor refused to answer whether-or-not they were a communist under oath, the actor would be terminated. Reagan didn't object, since politics were the heart of the matter, far more so than economics. Reagan didn't yet know it, but this was this issue, fighting communism, on which he would build his political career.

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     F.B.I. Director J. Edgar Hoover also wanted to talk to Reagan; FBI agents first interviewed Reagan in 1943, during a stagehand's strike. FBI agents told Reagan that communists in Hollywood hated him very much; Reagan was told of meetings where the question was asked what were they going to do with "that sonofabitching bastard Reagan". Reagan decided to cooperate after that eye-opening FBI interview, and in the spring of 1947, in another FBI interview, Reagan started to provide names, including the famous actress Anne Revere (pictured from "Gentleman's Agreement" with Gregory Peck in 1947; she won an Oscar for Best-Supporting Actress in "National Velvet" in 1944).
     In effect, Reagan became an informant for the FBI in Hollywood; Reagan's code-name was "T-10"; Reagan was among at least 18 Hollywood informants, and he never publicized his FBI connections. Reagan didn't think he was doing anything wrong; he judged that he would be far more effective as an informant if he remained anonymous, and the suspected subversives didn't know that he was an informant that ruined their careers . . . as would become clear when he was President, Reagan wanted the atmosphere that surrounded him professionally and personally to be as structured and pleasant as possible . . .

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James Knox Polk and the Wilmot Proviso

1/1/2016

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        Source: Robert W. Merry. A Country of Vast Designs: James K. Polk, the
             Mexican War, and the Conquest of the American Continent (2009)
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      President James Knox Polk was prepared to take a huge risk to try to end the Mexican War: he would sneak Santa Anna (in exile in Cuba) through the US blockade around Veracruz into Mexico, and in a pre-arranged deal, Santa Anna (pictured) would take the lead in negotiating an end to the war. In July 1846, Santa Anna was informally apprised of Polk's demands in exchange for his re-entry to Mexico: 1) The border would be the Rio Grande in Texas; 2) The U.S. would possess Upper California at least as far as San Francisco Bay; 3) The U.S. would pay quite a bit for Mexican lands with no indemnities for war damages. Santa Anna quibbled a bit about the Rio Grande border (Mexico had long insisted the border should be the Nueces River further north), but he accepted the terms. 
     On 3 August 1846, Polk received confirmation of Santa Anna's desire to return to Mexico; if current negotiations with the Mexican government failed, then Santa Anna was Polk's "Insurance Policy". From the very beginning of the war with Mexico, Polk pursued a negotiated peace while prosecuting an aggressive war. Polk, the Political Chess Master, was setting up his pieces on the board of statecraft . . . but 
by the Summer of 1846, Polk could no longer hide, or deny, his overall strategy of territorial expansion.

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      President Polk's "Two Million Dollar Bill" was about to be introduced to Congress; he wanted Congress to authorize funding for the war, since there was no National Bank from which the government could secure loans. The overall design of the bill was to achieve an "honorable peace" with Mexico, but Polk did his best to keep the progress of the bill secret, using the Senate's Executive Committee. Polk (pictured) even sent a secret message to trusted Senators on the committee, trying to get the Senate to vote for the bill without any debate.
     But in the House of Representatives, Polk was unable to keep the progress of the $2m Bill secret, and he was forced to write an Open Message to Congress explaining the purpose of the bill. Almost immediately, House Whigs announced their opposition to the bill; in their view, Polk was trying to avoid responsibility for a war he started. Interestingly, one of Polk's goals with the Open Letter was to put the onus on the House if the $2m Bill failed. It was during the House debate on the $2m Bill that a first-term Representative, David Wilmot (D; PA), appeared on the historical stage. His motive for what became known as the Wilmot Proviso was most likely to make a name for himself in the House by intensifying the debate on the $2m Bill.

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       David Wilmot (pictured) was somewhat similar to JFK in his approach to his legislative responsibilities: don't work too hard. But, when motivated, Wilmot took on all-comers, even going against his party. During a break during the debate, Wilmot overheard representatives from New York, the "Barnburners" (loyal to Martin Van Buren, and against the expansion of slavery . . . the "Barnburners" were the group of politicians that started the "Free Soil Party" in the late-1840s) brainstorm ideas about keeping slavery from expanding in any territory taken from Mexico. 
     Wilmot decided to introduce what he overheard from the "Barnburners" on the House floor in order to make the idea his own, for the record at least. Wilmot had never shown this kind of defiance against Democrats loyal to Polk, and it was rather surprising, in that Wilmot was not an opponent of the war, he wasn't an Abolitionist, he did not view African slavery as immoral, and he wasn't against slavery's expansion in the West. If Wilmot was passionate about anything, it was promoting the expansion of Free Labor.

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       When Wilmot rose to speak, he declared the war with Mexico "necessary & proper", and not a war of conquest. Wilmot further clarified that if the war was about conquest, he would be in complete opposition. Wilmot continued to say that it would be desirable to obtain territory all the way to the Pacific, including San Francisco Bay, but only through negotiation. Then, he announced in dramatic fashion, that he would oppose, now and forever, the expansion of slavery in territories obtained from Mexico, and he would shortly officially propose an amendment to the $2m Bill to that effect (which he did on 8 August, 1846).
     Immediately, the war debate changed - the Mexican War and the expansion of slavery were now intertwined. It was immaterial if the potential territories did not have any interest in slavery . . . Senator Thomas Hart Benton (D; MO) commented that "never were two parties so completely at loggerheads over nothing". Polk was outraged, referring to Wilmot's Proviso as "a mischievous and foolish amendment"; to Polk, the war had zero connection with slavery.
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     Now the debate centered on voting on the bill with or without the Wilmot Proviso. John Quincy Adams (pictured in a photograph from 1843) supported the Proviso as a statement of principle, even though he personally felt the amendment was unnecessary. Finally, the moment arrived when the House voted on whether or not to include the Wilmot Proviso in the $2m Bill; Wilmot's Proviso passed 83-64, and was attached to the $2m Bill . . . there would now be an intense national debate about the expansion of slavery in the West. 
     The Speaker of the House, John Wesley Davis (D; IN) who wanted to be absolutely sure the $2m Bill passed with the Wilmot Proviso attached, delayed and obstructed proceedings to the brink of midnight when the session was over, blocking any efforts of those in opposition to the Proviso to make an official motion. However, Davis forgot that the clock in the House ran 8 minutes faster than the clock in the Senate, and he foiled his own efforts at getting the bill with the Wilmot Proviso sent to the Upper Chamber in the last few minutes for a quick vote . . . whoops. 
The House ended its session with the Wilmot Proviso attached to the $2m Bill, and the Senate was not able to vote on the bill because the session of Congress had ended . . . for now, Polk's $2m Bill was dead, as was his leverage in Congress concerning the war with Mexico. 

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     To Southern Democrats, it appeared that the Senate would have passed the bill if it had reached their chamber in time. If that would have happened, according to their perspective, then Polk would have had leverage to use against the Mexican government to end the war sooner. Polk believed that the failure of the $2m Bill denied him the ability to end the war with Mexico by October 1846.  
     Even with the defeat of the $2m Bill, Polk had been the most productive legislative President in US History to that point. He had finalized the annexation of Texas, was very close to ending the Oregon dispute with Great Britain, introduced much-needed tariff reform, and created an Independent Treasury, all in one legislative session. And, he started a war with Mexico, which to Polk's point-of-view, was absolutely necessary in order to expand America's border to the Pacific. Polk (pictured left) had done more in his first 18 months as President than even his mentor, Andrew Jackson (pictured right), had accomplished in 8 years.

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The Election of 1844: James Knox Polk (D) v. Henry Clay (Whig)

12/24/2015

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     Robert W. Merry. A Country of Vast Designs: James K. Polk, the  Mexican War,
                                  and the Conquest of the American Continent (2009)  
   
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     On 27 April, 1844, independently of each other, Martin Van Buren (MVB, pictured) and Henry Clay announced their opposition to the immediate annexation of Texas. Clay stated that it was impossible to guarantee that war with Mexico wouldn't occur as a result, and that America's national character was at stake. Clay went so far to say that annexing Texas and war with Mexico would be the same thing. For MVB, there was no way to avoid a rupture in the Democratic Party over Texas, and to compound his problems after his announcement, Andrew Jackson was disappointed and crestfallen at MVB's stance on Texas. No matter their views and sentiments, MVB and Clay were out-of-touch with the vast majority of U.S. citizens who not only wanted Texas, but also rapid Western Expansion.

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     On 1 May, 1844, Henry Clay was nominated as the candidate for the Whig Party at their national convention in Baltimore. On 10 May 1844, James Knox Polk was summoned to the Hermitage for an audience with his mentor, Andrew Jackson . . . Jackson wanted a pro-annexation man from the Southwest as the nominee for the Democrats, and he had identified Polk as the most able man available.
     MVB's right-hand man, Silas Wright, had also come to the same conclusion about Polk. Wright was even more assured when Polk let it be known that he would remain loyal to MVB as long as he remained a candidate for the nomination of the Democratic Party for President. But all was not well in the Democratic Party: Western and Southwestern delegates threatened to bolt the convention if MVB was a threat to Lewis Cass (Michigan, pictured), an avid expansionist. At the beginning of the Democratic National Convention, Southern delegations pushed for a 2/3's majority in order to determine a nominee . . . if that super-majority became a reality, MVB and his supporters knew they had no chance to win the nomination.

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      Gideon J. Pillow (pictured, as a Confederate Brigadier General) was among the wealthiest men in Tennessee, and had been friends with Polk for many years; he was Polk's point man in the Democratic National Convention in Baltimore. Pillow told Polk that if MVB faded fast, he could survive his association with the former President among the delegates. The key, according to Pillow, was that Northern delegates had to start the "Polk Parade" towards nomination. So, at Baltimore, Pillow's overall goal was to guarantee Polk the Vice-Presidential slot, while doing his best to position him for the nomination as President.
     On 27 May 1844, the Democratic National Convention was called to order, and after a Chairman was selected, the motion for the 2/3's super-majority was made, and after extended debate was passed due to the unity of the Southern delegates. With that vote, MVB's chances at the nomination vanished; the results of the first ballot, with 177 being the 2/3's mark, were MVB 145, Cass 86, with three other candidates totaling 34 (including future President James Buchanan).

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     After the 5th ballot, Cass had 107 delegates to MVB's 103; after the 6th ballot - Cass 166, MVB 101; 7th ballot - Cass 123, MVB 99 . . . by the 7th ballot, MVB's delegates were starting to commit to Cass, and MVB's supporters threatened to bolt the convention. During all this chaos, Pillow was approached by the Pennsylvania and Maryland delegations. Their idea was to nominate Polk as a compromise candidate to try and end the deadlock . . . PA & MD also had a hidden agenda, in that they were mostly concerned about denying Cass the nomination.
     For Polk's name to be put in play, Pillow needed Northern delegates to convince other Northern delegates to support Polk; Polk's chances were nil of he was nominated by Southerners. Before the 8th ballot, Pillow worked the floor during the debate, pushing Polk as the only candidate that could defeat Cass. After the 8th ballot, Cass and MVB held firm, but Polk had 44 delegates (New Hampshire started him off w/ their 6 delegates). Before the 9th ballot, many pro-Polk testimonials were given, and as a result of the 9th ballot, not only did Polk win the nomination, but he was unbelievably unanimously selected. 
Clay, when he heard Polk was the Democratic nominee, publicly stated that he would have an easy path to the Presidency; privately, he knew that Polk would be tougher to defeat in the South & the West than MVB or Cass.

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       To Polk, the "Political Chess Master", there were four main obstacles in his way to winning the Presidency in 1844: a) The lingering tariff issue, especially in Pennsylvania; b) President John Tyler might run as a 3rd Party candidate, siphoning off votes from Polk; c) Senator Thomas Hart Benton's (MO) angry Northerners and John C. Calhoun's (SC) angry Southerners might derail Democratic unity; d) Texas - Polk wanted to separate annexation and slavery, if possible.
     Polk knew he would get backing from powerful Democrats if he promised to serve only one term: he needed Benton, Calhoun, Cass, Buchanan, and many others to support his candidacy. In June 1844, the Texas Treaty, which would have made Texas a state not from a territory, but from a sovereign nation, died on the Senate floor (35-14). And, to complicate matters even further, Benton's and Calhoun's forces went to war as a result, tearing the Democratic Party further apart. Polk even heard reports that a Southern Convention of Democrats would be held in Nashville; South Carolina was the impetus behind the convention, but not Calhoun. Once Calhoun (who was Tyler's 2nd SecState) was persuaded that Polk wasn't a tool of MVB, he not only supported Polk, but also put a stop to the proposed Nashville convention . . . Polk's single-term promise was a motivating factor for Calhoun as well. 

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     By now, Henry Clay (pictured) realized that his stand on Texas was contrary to the national sentiment on expansion. Clay declared that as President, he would annex Texas if it involved no national dishonor or war with Mexico. Once again, Clay was seen by the "Average American" as cunning and duplicitous . . . Clay did not have Polk's political discipline in keeping silent when he needed to be silent. Clay still stuck to his American System past and his games of political intrigue; it didn't register to Clay that the U.S. had moved in a new direction, focusing on the future with Western expansion . . . stubbornness, ideology, ego, vanity, nostalgia . . . all were in play for Henry Clay, and they kept him from winning the Presidency he so coveted.
     In the Election of 1844, Polk had .495 of the Popular Vote, while Clay had .481, and in the Electoral College, it was Polk with 170 Electoral votes to Clay's 105; Polk won 15 states, while Clay carried 11. Clay just may have defeated Polk, except the Liberty Party candidate, James G. Birney (MI), may have kept Clay from winning New York, Michigan, and Ohio; if Clay had carried those three states, he, not Polk, would have been the 11th President of the United States.

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Thomas Jefferson's Last Year as Secretary of State: 1793

11/25/2015

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     Source: Andrew Burstein & Nancy Isenberg. Madison and Jefferson (2013)
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     In January of 1793, King Louis XVI of France was guillotined (pictured), and the Jacobins took control, ending the initial relatively-liberal phase of the French Revolution. In February 1793, Great Britain was officially added to France's list of belligerent nations. Also by that point in France, aristocracy had become a crime, and civil rights were ignored . . . it was the beginning of the "Reign of Terror". Even after the execution and subsequent "Reign of Terror", many Americans had high-hopes for the
French Revolution. 

     Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson was a supporter of the Jacobins, and really didn't believe the reports he received of the nightmarish violence in France. Jefferson, in a letter to James Madison, wrote that he would rather have "half the Earth desolated" than see the French Revolution fail. Even before 1793, Jefferson had linked the success of the French Revolution (what he thought was going on, anyway) with the success or failure of of his vision of America (Jefferson envisioned an Agrarian nation, with virtuous farmers as the backbone of America under a relatively weak central government).

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     In a precursor to the Monroe Doctrine, President Washington, Secretary of State Jefferson, Secretary of the Treasury Hamilton, and the Leader of the House of Representatives, James Madison, all agreed to provide military and financial assistance to whites in St. Domingue (Haiti). A massive African slave uprising on the island presented a problem, in that most of America's coffee and sugar came from St. Domingue, but more importantly, Washington, et. al. wanted Great Britain to stay out of that part of the Caribbean, for reasons of hemispheric security.
     While Jefferson and Madison were united w/ Washington and Hamilton concerning St. Domingue, they differed on France. Washington's decision to remain neutral in regards to the French Revolution signified to Jefferson that Hamilton had entered the sphere of foreign policy. In April 1793,         Charles-Edmond Genet arrived in South Carolina; in quick order, this "Undiplomatic Diplomat" alienated and angered Jefferson, in that Genet proposed that U.S. ports be used for the needs of the French navy. Jefferson viewed Genet as all imagination with no judgment, as well as disrespectful (especially to Washington) and dictatorial. 

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     Jefferson tired of the hostile environment in the Cabinet; he abhorred conflict in his presence. Jefferson told Washington that he intended to resign as SecState on 30 September, 1793; when Jefferson wrote Madison about his intention to resign, Madison, in essence, told him to "suck it up". Jefferson responded that he felt that he had more than paid his debt in terms of public service . . . Jefferson was playing the part of a wounded, wronged victim.
     One reason why Jefferson had reached his limit serving in Washington's Cabinet is that Alexander Hamilton meddled in the affairs of every department without apology. To Jefferson (and many others that worked with/around him), Hamilton was not a team player; in Hamilton's mind, he always knew best, and did what he wanted, most likely totally unaware of how his behavior was viewed by others.

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     President Washington was in a tough spot, in that he never would have agreed to a second term in office if he had known that Jefferson (and then Hamilton) would resign their posts early; it would be nearly-impossible to find replacements with the requisite skills and brainpower. Jefferson wanted to end his time as SecState not only because of Hamilton, but also due to perceived slights from a fellow Virginian, Attorney General Edmund Randolph.
     According to Jefferson, Randolph didn't back him during his face-to-face tirade (a very rare display of temper) in a Cabinet meeting that was directed at Hamilton. To Jefferson, Randolph was a chameleon that changed his colors depending on the people who were around him. Actually, Jefferson was upset that Randolph didn't agree with him 100% of the time. This unrealistic expectation/perspective was mostly likely due to Jefferson's belief that Randolph was somehow interfering with his political war against Hamilton. 
     Added to Jefferson's travails was that Genet was still on the loose, doing everything he could to circumvent SecState Jefferson to pressure Washington to directly aid France. So dangerous did Genet become to Washington and his Cabinet that a memorandum was sent to Paris demanding that the government (what there was of it) recall Genet. When           Robespierre came to power in France, Genet was recalled; Genet then asked Washington for asylum (Robespierre's directive was to send Genet back "in chains"). Washington graciously granted Genet's request, and Genet went to New York, married a member of the Clinton family (he was Governor), and lived the rest of his life in peaceful obscurity, never returning to France.

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      During August/September in 1793, a Yellow Fever epidemic hit the 30,000 inhabitants of Philadelphia. Philadelphia hadn't experienced a Yellow Fever attack in 30 years, and the scale of this epidemic was unprecedented; nearly half of the city's population fled to the country-side, including President Washington. Several thousand died, including John Todd; his widow was Dolley, who would be in short order would be marry James Madison. 
     Approximately half of those that contracted Yellow Fever died, yet Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson refused to leave the city. Jefferson caught news that Hamilton had the fever, and he wrote Madison about what the SecTreas was going through with undisguised glee. In the same letter, Jefferson also speculated that Hamilton may be healthy, and using the epidemic as a ruse to build up sympathy and support for himself and his policies. 
     Hamilton, in fact, had contracted Yellow Fever, had barely survived, and was on the road to recovery when Jefferson had written his letter to Madison. Jefferson, after having "made his point" by being the only member of the Executive branch that chose to stay in Philadelphia and remained healthy during the scourge, left for Montpelier (Madison's home) in mid-September 1793. There, Jefferson, Madison, and James Monroe met to discuss their strategy in regards to Hamilton and the Federalists.

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      In 1793, Democratic-Republican (D-R) Societies started to form and spread throughout the nation; they were akin to the Committees of Correspondence before the American Revolution.
While not directed by Jefferson or Madison, the D-R Societies were all critical of Hamilton and his goals/policies (Also in 1793, New York became the most populous city with 33,000, surpassing Philadelphia). 
     Jefferson's & Madison's Republican Party and Hamilton's Federalist Party (they actually hadn't started to use that name for their party yet . . . anti-Republican was often used) both claimed legitimacy while labeling the other as a "Faction". The Federalists (and even Washington) went so far as to blame the D-R Societies for causing the Whiskey Rebellion of 1794 (pictured above). In the last quarter of 1793, Jefferson submitted his resignation as Secretary of State to President Washington, which would take effect on 31 December 1793; Washington reluctantly accepted Jefferson's resignation on 1 January 1794.  Thomas Jefferson
retreated to Monticello, and waited for "The Call" from his party to return to the fray when the political landscape was more favorable.

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James Madison & the Constitutional Convention (May-Sept, 1787)

11/13/2015

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     Source: Andrew Burstein & Nancy Isenberg. Madison and Jefferson (2013)
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     James Madison and the Virginia delegation were ready for the Constitutional Convention to begin in early-May, 1787, but there was a problem: there weren't enough state delegations in Philadelphia to start the convention. Finally, on 25 May 1787, seven state delegations were present, which was enough to organize the convention. George Washington (a member of the VA delegation) was unanimously selected the President of the Convention "una voca" (by a voice vote). 
     Shays' Rebellion (pictured above is a depiction of the fire-fight at the Springfield Arsenal in early-1787) was still not only a fresh memory, but it had hit a nerve on the 50+ delegates, in that it raised the specter of class warfare in America (e.g. all the Massachusetts politicians that supported the tax increases and military response to the rebellion were voted out of office). To
James Madison, Shays' Rebellion was a major symptom of what was wrong with the Articles of Confederation (A of C). 
And, to Madison's absolute horror, some of the rebels even won elected office in Massachusetts.
​     The delegates at the Constitutional Convention hated paper money, and most, if not all, saw massive government debt as a catalyst that could cause social upheaval. For the delegates, a new government was needed to protect property, raise desperately needed revenue, and most of all to Madison, discipline rogue state legislatures.

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      If Roger Sherman (Connecticut, pictured) was the true maestro of the Constitutional Convention, then James Madison was the frustrated rival composer; as brilliant as Madison was, Sherman constantly bested him in terms of strategy and parliamentary procedure. To start, Sherman was able to pass a motion in which all 12 delegations (Rhode Island boycotted the convention) were given equal weight, as in all previous conventions, and in the A of C . . . Madison reluctantly agreed, in that he didn't want to immediately alienate smaller states.
     The most difficult aspect of the convention to enforce was preserving the secrecy of the proceedings. It was decided that nothing could be published or discussed with non-delegates; even correspondence (letters) were included. On 29 May 1787, Edmund Randolph (Governor of VA, and the "Voice" of the VA delegation) was the first speaker. Randolph focused on the need for greater national security against a foreign invasion. Then, after presenting a mild persona, he introduced the Virginia Plan to the Constitutional Convention.

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  The VA Plan featured a bicameral legislature, with both houses based on representation (or wealth). Those in the House of Representatives would be elected directly by eligible voters, and then the House would elect the members of the Senate (from nominations from state legislatures). To Madison (pictured from a drawing completed during the Constitutional Convention), the most important aspect of his VA Plan was the "Absolute Negative", where the Senate could negate any nefarious actions of what he considered "rogue" state legislatures. But Madison was not only frustrated by Sherman, but also by his fellow VA delegates George Mason and Edmund Randolph, in that they succeeded in noticeably reducing Madison's "Absolute Negative". 
     The VA Plan also had members of the Executive and Judicial branches chosen by Congress; the Chief Executive would serve a single term. Madison also insisted that Ratification of the future Constitution be conducted by specially-called state conventions, rather than state legislatures. One of Madison's main goals of the convention was to limit the influence of state legislatures on national policy.

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       Under the Virginia Plan, states could only submit nominations to the House for Senators; Madison counted on a coalition of Southern states and large Northern states for passage . . . then delegates from Delaware, Connecticut, and New Jersey started to whittle away at the VA Plan. Delaware threatened to leave the convention; only the cajoling of fellow small-state delegations kept them in Philadelphia. Sherman introduced a plan in which the state legislatures would select members of the Senate (that proposal would eventually become part of the Constitution, which was eventually canceled by the 17th Amendment, which provided for the direct election of Senators). 
     The VA Plan's major weakness was that it only addressed the "shenanigans" of the state legislatures to the proposed national government; there was no reciprocal protection for the states against the national government. Also, under the VA Plan, Delaware would have a 1/90th share of representation, while Virginia and Pennsylvania combined would have 1/3.
​     Madison's main problem at this point in the convention was his lack of sympathy for the small states. He viewed states such as Rhode Island as holding the interests of the nation, and especially those of Virginia, hostage in the A of C. But what was really eroding Madison's influence in the convention was his insistence on his "Absolute Negative" (which would make the Senate the ultimate authority under the Constitution, able to discipline state legislatures); despite, or perhaps in spite of, his constant insistence, the "Absolute Negative" proposal was defeated 7 to 3. 

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     On 19 June 1787, the New Jersey Plan (which basically wanted the A of C to continue) was voted down, but the significant end result of the vote was that Madison's VA Plan coalition was destroyed. On 29 June 1787, Oliver Ellsworth (CT, pictured) proposed that the House of Representatives be based on population, but that the Senate would be based on equal representation. Also, in what would become the Connecticut (or Great) Compromise, 3/5's of the African slave population in the South would be counted for representation in the House (that was not a new idea; it was originally proposed in 1783). 
     What was new was a proposal that the Southern states pay taxes on 3/5's of their African slave population for representation, which was mostly posturing since no one at the convention really anticipated any meaningful revenue from the new tax. On 16 July 1787, the Connecticut Compromise was adopted; the VA Plan coalition met, but it was clear that all their momentum was lost. 
     After all his preparation for the convention, Madison had seen most of his ideas rejected in only six weeks. To Madison, the worst development was that Senators would be the pawns of the state legislatures. Some delegates left the Constitutional Convention after the Connecticut Compromise, but not Madison, who regrouped and refocused his efforts. For the remainder of the convention, Madison did his best to reduce the power of the Senate. Madison looked to the House, and the Executive & Judicial branches to diffuse the power of the proposed Senate.

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      Discussion then drifted toward electing the President, and again, Electors were brought up in the debate. General agreement existed among Southern delegates that a direct election would favor Northern states. In September 1787, it was decided that the President would serve a four-year term, and would be eligible for re-elections. Also, it was decided that Electors in each state would be determined by the state legislature, and that each would cast two votes. And, if there was no majority reached in the Electoral Vote, the Senate would decide the election among the top 5 that received votes.
    To Madison, that meant that too much power rested in the Senate; ironically, it was Sherman's revision that suggested that the House of Representatives decide the Presidential Election if the Electors could not, with each state's Congressional delegation counting as one vote . . . Sherman's revision passed by a vote of 10 to 1 (pictured: a dramatization of the Signing of the Constitution).
     Madison now focused his attention and energies on vesting as much power as possible in the Executive, based on what had been decided in the convention. To Madison, the Presidential veto represented at least partial success for his defeated "Absolute Negative". However, Madison failed in his attempt to require a 3/4's majority in both houses of Congress to override a veto . . . he had to be satisfied with a 2/3's majority. But Madison was pleased that the President had more "latitude and discretion" than the other two branches.

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      Rufus King (MA) ignited the discussion of the Slave Trade; he was adamant that the convention end the practice. The Slave Trade Compromise was mostly crafted by a "Committee of Eleven", which included Madison. The committee's recommendation was that Congress should be prohibited from interfering with the Slave Trade until 1800 (but a duty on imported slaves was authorized; revenue was desired). The Lower South (NC, SC, & GA) held out until the year was extended to 1808 (keep in mind, African slavery was slowly ebbing away, due to the colossal expense, and no one at the convention could predict the impact of the Cotton Gin that was patented in 1793). Pictured: another depiction of the Signing of the Constitution
     George Mason and Edmund Randolph were so dispirited that they refused to sign the Constitution. Randolph wanted the state conventions empowered to add amendments, while Mason loudly called for a 2nd Constitutional Convention (Elbridge Gerry was the third delegate that was present on 17 September, 1787, that didn't sign). For those that did sign the Constitution, their experience was far more wearisome than glorious. Madison saw the President as the only vehicle in the Constitution that could be in line with Virginia's interests; Madison wanted to make sure that Virginia would remain the most preeminent state in the U.S.

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     The President of the Constitutional Convention, George Washington, didn't speak out until the end, when he asked for permission to address the convention. His reason for doing so was to officially favor the proposal that each representative in the House be based on 40,000 people, rather than 30,000. It was his way to tell the delegates that he supported the Constitution, and he expected them to fall in line with his stance. 
     Madison succeeded in having the A of C send copies of the proposed Constitution to each state without a direct endorsement, or offering any proposed amendments. Madison also stood firm that state conventions should ratify the Constitution, not the state legislatures. Madison wrote Jefferson (who was still in Paris), expressing anger and frustration with the convention; he thought that the new government was far-too weak . . . soon, Jefferson, and even Madison, would view the new federal government under the Constitution to be too powerful at the expense of the states, especially towards their beloved Virginia.

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Thomas Jefferson - "The Virginia Reformer" (Fall, 1776)

11/1/2015

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Source: Andrew Burstein & Nancy Isenberg. Madison and Jefferson (2013)
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      Thomas Jefferson felt like he was being held hostage in Philadelphia as a delegate to the 2nd Continental Congress in the spring and summer of 1776, in that he wanted to be in Virginia taking part in the creation of its constitution (he had no way of knowing the lasting impact of the Declaration of Independence at that point in time). On 3 September 1776, Jefferson was finally able to leave Philadelphia, and six days later he arrived at Monticello.
     Jefferson immediately assumed his seat in the newly-created House of Delegates under the Virginia Constitution (James Madison arrived in Williamsburg a week later). On 12 October, Jefferson introduced a motion to revise the laws of Virginia, focusing especially on criminal, religious, education, and property rights. 
     Jefferson was trying to empower the "Rising Generation" in Virginia, which to him meant the non-Tidewater Virginians, who held most of the property and power (The Tidewater region of Virginia dominated the state, and Williamsburg was the state capital; eventually, Jefferson would relocate the state capital to Richmond, in his Piedmont region of Virginia).  On 26 October, Jefferson's bill passed, and was sent to a special committee, which included, among others, George Mason). Jefferson's big idea was to transform Virginia's laws, making the state an "Enlightened Republic". 

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     Jefferson's conceit was that he wanted the other twelve (and future) states to pattern themselves after his vision of Virginia. TJ saw himself as a social engineer, and his laboratory was Virginia; his first priority in the Fall of 1776 was to disable laws that denied people their liberty, whether they were rich or poor.
     In order to accomplish that goal, TJ wanted to spread (diffuse) knowledge among the white population in Virginia: all Virginians should be able to acquire land, civilize the wilderness, to experience and benefit from self-government. TJ wanted to create an Agrarian Society that would nurture Anglo-Saxon virtues for a Republic. TJ's definition of a republic meant that a majority of freeholders (whites) would have a real stake in society and a voice in government.

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Reform #1: More Equitable Distribution of Lands
   TJ's first reform came under the heading of property law; he was trying to end the de facto system of feudalism in Virginia, which was labeled "Primogeniture" and "Entail". TJ believed that if so much land was in so few hands (especially the Tidewater Elite), African slavery would increase. Land reform was a very radical effort by TJ to socially and literally change the landscape of Virginia; to him land ownership was, at least in part, a "Zero Sum Game", in that if power was taken from the Tidewater region, more power should flow to his beloved Piedmont region of Virginia.
     By the Revolutionary War, most of Virginia's land was "entailed", which meant that lands were inherited generation after generation (10% of Virginia's population owned, through "entailing"  the land, the vast majority of the state). TJ wanted that land freed up for redistribution, which of course led to fierce resistance by the powerful Tidewater Elite.

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Reform #2: The Gradual Abolition of African Slavery
     This reform would be no easier for Jefferson to achieve. TJ saw African slavery as a deterrent to good manners, morals, and laws. Weakening the slaveholding oligarchy "entailed" more than land redistribution; it would require radical social engineering taking into account that no one in Virginia advocated mass emancipation . . . there was zero support for freeing African slaves OR allowing them to acquire citizenship rights. 
     TJ's goal was to reduce the African slave population, which he hoped would lead to its future extinction. Ending the African Slave Trade to Virginia seemed to be the best way to start his attempted reform, and TJ wanted to grant freedom to African slaves after five years of labor. TJ also supported the voluntary manumission (formal emancipation) of African slaves; his goal in the end was to "Whiten" the population of Virginia. TJ believed that racial homogeneity was essential for a society to prosper and flourish.
    Jefferson had enough of the "Dead Hands" of Virginia's long deceased gentry influencing life in Virginia. He also saw that the practice of "Primogeniture" and "Entail" affected African slaves as well, in that their future was set in a negative, oppressive fashion. To TJ, Virginia in 1776 was a corrupt and disfigured state, with various factions at war with each other. TJ viewed African slavery as a social contagion, but abolition of slavery would be an unreliable solution. Rather, exiling Free Blacks from Virginia would establish a racial quarantine, making Virginia safe for future (white) generations. 

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Reform #3: Universal Public Education + Reform of the Courts
     In Jefferson's view, education would suture the wounds created by the Tidewater aristocracy and African slavery. Education would transform the Virginia master class into an Enlightened Class with liberal, republican principles. TJ introduced Bill #79, which wanted primary schools for all free children, grammar schools for the more capable children, and college for the most gifted (those with genius and virtue). 
     
       TJ wanted the state to help subsidize the cost of his educational reforms, mostly the odds would increase that education wouldn't remain in the province of Virginia's Elite (this attitude would resurface in the 1790s and early 1800s with his battles with the Federalist Party . . . to TJ, the Federalists were unfit to rule since they were "corrupt"). Also, TJ wanted to weed out the poor lawyers in Virginia's county courts; he labeled them "insects" . . . in short, TJ wanted to create an Enlightened All-Male White Intellectual Guardian Class in his beloved state of Virginia.

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Reform #4: Limit the Power of the Anglican Church (The Church of England)
     In the Fall of 1776, Thomas Jefferson and James Madison were both on the Committee of Religion, which had a total of 17 members. They were only socially connected with each other at that point; they both knew an incredible array of prominent and powerful Virginians . . . it would take more interactions and time until they would discover that they were "Political Soul Mates". 
     TJ wanted to end what he termed "Spiritual Tyranny"; even with James Madison in support of creating an atmosphere of religious freedom (by reducing the power of the Anglican Church) in Virginia, powerful members of the Tidewater region blocked the bill in committee . . . the separation of Church and State 
would be delayed.

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Ida Tarbell and John D. Rockefeller, Part Two

10/17/2015

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         Source: Emily Arnold McCully. Ida M. Tarbell: The Woman Who
                        Challenged Big Business - And Won! (2014)
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      In November 1902, the first installment of "The History of the Standard Oil Company" (HSOC) appeared in McClure's Magazine, written by Ida Tarbell. Even though the HSOC series had started, Tarbell's research was very difficult and complicated in that Rockefeller insisted on anonymity and was mostly invisible in the relevant Standard Oil documents; Rockefeller ruled his empire with winks, nods, hints, and handshakes . . . all designed to derail any investigation.
     Tarbell portrayed the independent oil producers as "Innocents" who risked everything in their ventures, and then a malevolent "Big Hand" (Rockefeller) came down and swatted them. Ida also wrote a separate article about the labor violence in the coal industry (Tarbell had little sympathy for labor union leaders), while Lincoln Steffens (pictured) wrote an article on the corruption in city governments for McClure's. All three articles were designed to show that the "American Contempt for the Law" negatively affected the public good.

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        In effect, these three articles were the real birth of "Muckraking", which used the following formula: first, quality investigation exposes a major problem, then citizens read the article, then the citizens mobilize, and demand change. One of Tarbell's leading researchers discovered proof that Standard Oil had started manipulating prices in 1876; he found a memo from Henry Flagler (Rockefeller's major partner) which stated that an increase of a quarter-cent per barrel would net Standard Oil millions of dollars. Tarbell's goal in exposing the document was to show that Standard Oil's goal was to always artificially increase prices for the consumer, for the benefit of Rockefeller and Standard Oil.
     




  
    Tarbell contended that the independents welcomed competition (that basically wasn't true; Tarbell didn't have a great grasp on the mechanics and motivations within markets), and Rockefeller wanted to crush competition (that was absolutely true). Tarbell described a takeover by Standard Oil of an independent pipeline that used espionage, sabotage of a Buffalo refinery, and rigging an Ohio U.S. Senate election. 
     Even though Tarbell extolled the virtues of the independents, in private she became disillusioned about her heroes; her wrath with them was as great as with Rockefeller. Ida thought that the independents always seemed to make the wrong decisions and flunk-out at every critical juncture, but she kept her official written focus on the Standard Oil Trust (SOT) and Rockefeller . . . she kept going after "The Octopus". 

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      Rockefeller's extreme elusiveness was in part due to the fact that he had lost all of his hair; that elusiveness cost him in that it worsened his reputation with the American public. Henry Demarest Lloyd, the first journalist to expose Rockefeller's decisions and practices with Standard Oil, finally agreed to meet with Tarbell. Lloyd documented that the railroad rebates were still occurring and benefiting Standard Oil, and the records of the rebates were continually destroyed. Ida borrowed documents from Lloyd's files, and used what she discovered in her HSOC series. 
     By 1904, Ida and her researchers still hadn't found a recent photograph of Rockefeller, and to Tarbell, the HSOC wasn't complete without one. Ida and her main assistant decided to attend Rockefeller's Baptist church incognito, using other parishioners as "cover". Also, a sketch artist would be with them in the church as well, and his sketch from the "secret mission" is pictured above.

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     Men like Rockefeller were accustomed to living and operating with no regard for public opinion. But privately, Rockefeller referred to Ida as "Miss Tarbarrel" during the run of the HSOC in McClure's Magazine (1902-1904). Rockefeller and his family fell ill with one ailment or another during the run of the HSOC; "Junior" suffered the most, suffering from a mental breakdown. After "The History of the Standard Oil Company" finished its run, Tarbell followed with a "Character Sketch" of Rockefeller, focusing on a key point in time: Rockefeller's decision to pursue the South Improvement Company (SIC) - to Tarbell, that was the point-in-time where Rockefeller chose evil instead of good (Ida used searing language in her "sketch").
     Tarbell stated that a man of Rockefeller's power and influence should not be able to "Live in the Dark"; he was the victim of "Money Passion", which blinded him to the good in life (according to Mark Hanna, Rockefeller was "Money Mad . . . sane in every other way . . . but "Money Mad"). Tarbell's only praises for Rockefeller were that he was a good husband and father, and lived far more economically than other tycoons (tycoon is based on a Japanese word that meant "Great Lord").
     In the second installment of her "Character Sketch" on Rockefeller, Ida found a formal photograph, and based the installment on her observations of Rockefeller's face, asking readers to do the same. To Ida, the photograph of Rockefeller (pictured on the cover of McClure's, above) combined with the "Church Sketch" showed concentration, cruelty, craftiness . . . a repulsive "Living Mummy", who was far too stealthy and secretive for the public good (Ida even proved that Rockefeller's father, a known scoundrel, had been indicted for horse theft and rape). After her "Character Sketch" on Rockefeller, Ida Tarbell became the most famous woman in America (in part that was also due to the decline in popularity of Jane Addams in the early-1900's).

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     All the while, Rockefeller never personally disputed Tarbell's findings or assertions in public. He probably believed such public responses were "beneath him", but he also didn't want to open any door to other investigations. Rockefeller could have ruined McClure's Magazine (and 
S.S. McClure's publishing empire) by influencing and intimidating advertisers, but he was confident that his secret business methods would remain secret . . . he felt safe from further exposure.
     Ida Tarbell (pictured at her desk at McClure's in 1905) condemned the practices of the Standard Oil Trust, but not the practice of Capitalism in general - Tarbell didn't have any problem with Combinations that used ethical means to earn profits. To Tarbell, Rockefeller's potential for greatness was ruined because he didn't played fair . . . in 1906, the Attorney General (Charles J. Bonaparte) agreed, in that he prosecuted Rockefeller and the Standard Oil Trust for unfair business practices under the Sherman Anti-Trust Act (1890). 

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Ida Tarbell and John D. Rockefeller, Part One

10/17/2015

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      Source: Emily Arnold McCully. Ida M. Tarbell - The Woman That 
                       Challenged Big Business, And Won! (2014)
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      Ida Tarbell and her employer, S.S. McClure (McClure's Magazine) shared a longing for the bygone era of an "Uncorrupted America". Both wanted to do their part to restore that ideal, and in the process, assist working-class Americans as well as incoming immigrants. Exposing the ills of America would mean a huge investment in terms of money, time, and energy, and McClure's would be open to potential lawsuits as well. Therefore, Tarbell and McClure knew that the any articles that attacked big business would need to be exceptionally well-written and credible. Tarbell, McClure, and the staff at McClure's believed that reform-minded articles should be targeted to more than just the middle class and the "Upper-10's" (upper-10% of the population in terms of wealth). 
     






      
     After weeks of discussion and debate, the McClure's staff became convinced that Trusts (not a big business, but a board that supervised the operation of the big business) would be their focus for exposure and potential reform . . . but which Trust? Steel was considered, in that J.P. Morgan was in the process of creating the behemoth U.S. Steel, which would be the first "Billion Dollar Trust" . . . . but everything associated with that possible story line seemed too complicated. Tarbell told her colleagues about growing up in Northwest Pennsylvania around the emerging and expanding oil industry; given her skill-set and experience, it was a no-brainer that Ida Tarbell would write about John D. Rockefeller and Standard Oil (she reluctantly agreed to pursue the project). Tarbell wondered if readers would really enjoy a feature about interlocking corporations and their balance sheets; she didn't sense any potential for danger, just a desire to discover truth.

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      John D. Rockefeller had, in essence, created the first modern corporation by establishing the Standard Oil Trust (SOT) in 1882. Even before 1882, the Standard Oil Company controlled the production and distribution of oil, as well as determining its use by the consumer. The SOT was created in that Combinations (big consolidated businesses) couldn't do business across state lines; Rockefeller wanted to consolidate even more power and influence in the oil industry.
     Rockefeller purchased tank cars, pipelines, banks, real estate, and even bribed politicians. He invested in newspapers so he could be portrayed in the most positive light; he never responded to criticisms and investigations of his methods or his Trust. New oil reserves were discovered in Ohio in 1885, and Rockefeller believed that this huge reservoir was a "Gift from God" given directly to him (even though the oil in Ohio had a strong sulfur content, but Rockefeller made it work as marketable fuel nonetheless). Ohio became the main source of petroleum for the SOT; not only had the SOT dominated refining, but by the mid-1890s the SOT became the dominant producer of oil in the industry.

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      Rockefeller continued to crush the independent oil producers by underselling them, and by using unsavory methods, such as industrial espionage. By the mid-1890s, the SOT was a financial colossus, no longer subject to the market fluctuations in the oil industry. As late as 1900, most Americans still burned kerosene in their homes instead of electricity, and the SOT produced 86% of that kerosene - it seemed that no independent producer could survive (one survivor was the Pure Oil Company, and its treasurer was Will Tarbell, Ida's brother). 
     Ida's father told her not to publish the first three parts of "The History of the Standard Oil Company", in that he feared that Rockefeller's retribution would be fierce (e.g. buying McClure's Magazine). Tarbell's search for documents was difficult, in that the SOT and the railroads (esp. NY Central, Erie, and PA) destroyed as many documents as possible relating to the South Improvement Company (SIC). But she persevered, and found that while most documents were destroyed, some remained in scattered locations. Tarbell proved that the SIC was Rockefeller's tool, using not only rebates, but "drawbacks" (a percentage of the freight rates that the independents paid the railroads went directly to the SIC). Rockefeller promised that he would ship all his refined oil with the NY Central, Erie, and Pennsylvania railroads in exchange for the rebates/drawbacks; it wasn't illegal, but it certainly wasn't ethical . . . and to Tarbell, it was grossly unfair, and more-than-worth investigating further.

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      Then, through a connection with Mark Twain (Ida had known him for quite a few years), Tarbell was able to meet with the Vice President of the Standard Oil Trust, Henry Rogers
(pictured below: Mark Twain with Henry Rogers, in front). Rogers admitted that the SIC was a mistake, and he even offered to arrange a meeting with Rockefeller. Ida visited Rogers at the SOT headquarters (26 Broadway in NYC) often for the next two years; she spent so much time there that some independents refused to talk with her, fearing that she was in league w/ Rockefeller. (Interesting fact: Tarbell earned $4000 per article, $107k today; by comparison, Rogers' secretary earned $10,000 per year at the SOT - $269,000 today). While Rogers cooperated most of the time, Tarbell still suspected that chicanery was afoot; she couldn't yet prove the espionage and criminal acts that she knew occurred due to the actions of the SOT. 

     The "breakthrough evidence" came from an unexpected source: a Standard Oil office boy. His job was to burn selected documents every night, and while doing so, saw the name of his Sunday School teacher on some documents. His Sunday School teacher was a refiner, and the documents showed that the railroads were warning the SOT well in advance of the oil shipments from the independent producers. As a result, the SOT could ship its product first, undercutting the competition.
     The office boy took the documents to his Sunday School teacher, who had already read Tarbell's first three installments of "The History of the Standard Oil Company", and believed in Ida's integrity to the point where he gave her the documents. Those documents proved that the SOT was still engaged in unethical, and even illegal shenanigans, and in February 1904, McClure's published "Cutting to Kill" . . . Henry Rogers refused to meet with Ida Tarbell again.
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Thomas Jefferson: Idealistic or Practical President?

10/11/2015

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         Source: Jon Meacham. Thomas Jefferson: The Art of Power (2012)
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     As President, Thomas Jefferson articulated ideals (theories), but largely acted pragmatically (practically) . . . especially helpful was his Secretary of State, James Madison. Jefferson used   Hamiltonian methods to achieve his goals; the 3rd President embraced power very subtly. In terms of military strategy, Jefferson preferred to focus on defense (e.g. reducing the Navy), except when it came to the Barbary Pirates. A shakeup in Congress helped Jefferson immensely as President. From 1801 - 1803, there were 17 Republicans and 15 Federalists in the Senate; in 1807 - 1809, there were 28 Republicans and 6 Federalists. Jefferson told his Cabinet that he needed to see all the information they had from their departments; Jefferson wanted and needed to know everything . . . he believed in "The Art of Power".

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     Jefferson's favorite "political weapon" was hosting dinner parties, in that he used them as a tool for gathering political information and gossip. Many a Congressman's or Senator's vote was swayed by Jefferson during a dinner party. Jefferson's relationship with lawmakers kept information flowing between the Executive and Legislative branches. Jefferson was more a political chess player than a political warrior, hence the constant charges of "scheming" by his political opponents.
    Jefferson believed that sociability was essential to Republicanism, in that citizens would become more virtuous and act for the public good on a regular basis. However, Jefferson never invited Republicans AND Federalists to his dinner parties . . . he absolutely abhorred conflict in his presence. So, Jefferson used his dinner parties to create more personal and political attachment to himself; very often, he let his guests sit where they chose, except for his usual seat, of course. Jefferson encouraged free-flowing conversation (with plenty of wine) instead of guests "toasting" each other non-stop, which he saw as false bonhomie. Jefferson had the gift of making everyone at his dinner parties feel comfortable and respected, which led to the kind of conversations that Jefferson could at least potentially use politically. 

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     President Jefferson authorized the rules of engagement with the Barbary Pirates; he controlled events while appearing to defer to Congress. That style was typical of Jefferson, in that he could achieve his goal without causing confrontation or a crisis with Congress. By the time Jefferson had to directly deal with the Barbary Pirates early in his first term, he had become a broad interpreter of the Constitution, which was a very Hamiltonian thing to do.
     On 31 October 1803, the U.S.S. Philadelphia was captured by Barbary Pirates based out of Tripoli. In February 1804, Stephen Decatur and a detachment of Marines torched the U.S.S. Philadelphia, which had been overrun and taken, denying the Barbary Pirates use of the frigate against the United States. After a successful "Black Ops" mission that was led by William Eaton (and authorized by Jefferson), a detachment of Marines, and a bevy of North Africans opposed to Tripoli, Jefferson announced to Congress that the enemy in the Mediterranean had, in essence, learned their lesson, and the U.S. would no longer have to pay "Tribute" . . . shortly thereafter, hostilities once again resumed.

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     In the Spring of 1801, Spain ceded half of their North American empire to Napoleon in the third Treaty of San Ildefonso. France now had the Louisiana Territory, and a new U.S. political course was required. In a way, Jefferson was the perfect President at the perfect time for the   Louisiana Purchase; a less-courageous politician would have bungled, a too-idealistic politician would have been inflexible. 
     The Louisiana Purchase needed to be ratified by 30 October 1803; Jefferson called on Congress to meet on 17 October for "great and weighty matters". Jefferson's initial view on the purchase was that it required an amendment to the Constitution; his original intent was to formally ask both houses of Congress to propose the necessary amendment (Jefferson's initial thought was that purchasing the Louisiana Territory may have been in excess of his powers under the Constitution). In mid-August 1803, Jefferson received information that France was not as interested in the deal . . . that information changed the landscape dramatically, in that there was no time for an amendment, hence the "weighty matters" communication to Congress.

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      The idealistic Jefferson wanted an amendment to justify the Louisiana Purchase, but the practical Jefferson wanted the land. In his mind, Jefferson saw a link in territorial expansion with increased Republicanism (virtue) and wealth. A Federalist U.S. Senator from Massachusetts, John Quincy Adams (who had known Jefferson since his childhood), suggested that Jefferson use the Executive's power of negotiation in Article 2 of the Constitution in order to justify the purchase. With the ratification in the Senate of the Louisiana Territory (24-7), the political tables had turned, in that the Federalists believed that Jefferson would become a "President-for-Life", in other words, a Monarch.
     After Vice-President Aaron Burr killed former Secretary of the Treasury Alexander Hamilton in a duel
on 11 July 1804, Jefferson kept silent, which was politically wise. Jefferson thought that Hamilton had possessed dangerous tendencies, yet he used Hamilton's institutions and methods to be the first President to drastically increase the power of the Executive branch. On 6 August 1804, Jefferson was informed that his Vice-President was interested in effecting a separation from the nation in Western states/territories. In the months that followed, Jefferson was re-elected in 1804 with an Electoral vote count of 162 to 14 for the Federalist candidate Thomas Cotesworth Pinckney.

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     Jefferson knew that the now former Vice-President, Aaron Burr, was no longer a political threat, but he was convinced that Burr was a threat to potential disunion. Therefore, Jefferson was willing to go to extraordinary methods in order to deal with Burr and his activities in the West. On 22 January 1807, Jefferson publicly announced that Burr was guilty of treason "beyond reason"; it was the same approach that he used in 1778 as Governor of Virginia against Josiah Philips. 
     On March 1807, Burr was arrested for treason; Jefferson was deeply involved with the prosecution, but from a distance. During the trial, Jefferson was subpoenaed to testify against Burr . . . Jefferson refused to submit himself and the office of the President to the control of others. Jefferson did agree to submit "relevant documents", which were mostly copies of documents that the presiding judge, Chief Justice John Marshall, refused to allow into evidence. Burr's acquittal enraged Jefferson; to him, it was yet another in a line of incorrect decisions made by Federalists in the Supreme Court. Added to Marbury v Madison, and the     failed removal of Associate Justice Samuel Chase, Jefferson's distrust of the newly self-empowered Judicial branch increased.

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     On 22 June 1807, the H.M.S. Leopard attacked the U.S.S. Chesapeake off the coast of Virginia. The Leopard fired 22 times before the Chesapeake could respond; 3 Americans were killed, and 17 more were wounded. Not long afterwards, another U.S. ship was fired upon; aboard that ship was Vice-President George Clinton (former Governor of New York). Jefferson had guessed that Congress would choose an embargo over war in response to the British attacks.
     Jefferson was willing to use force, but he knew in this situation he couldn't act unilaterally. Jefferson was also practical, in that the U.S. Navy was nowhere-near the strength of the Royal Navy. "War Fever" had subsided overall in America, and the only realistic alternative seemed to be the embargo . . . Jefferson reluctantly agreed that an embargo was the "least-bad" alternative.

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     Jefferson's big gamble with the embargo was that he thought that time was on his side. By keeping ships in their ports, he thought that might lead to a faster conclusion of the war between Britain and France, and then "Freedom of the Seas" would return. On 22 December 1807, Jefferson signed the embargo into law: it was now the Embargo Act of 1807. The scope of the act surpassed even that of the Federalist Alien & Sedition Acts in 1798. Jefferson was given broad executive authority to enforce the embargo; U.S. exports decreased by at least 75% (some historians argue that the percentage was even greater). 
     In the early stages, Great Britain felt some of the effects of the embargo, and actively encouraged U.S. ships to try and sail to Europe despite the rigid enforcement. What Jefferson didn't know was that embargoes are impractical over the long-term, and Great Britain, while inconvenienced, was able to procure most of what they imported from the U.S. elsewhere. 
     The Embargo of 1807 turned U.S. politics on its head; now even loyal long-time Republicans believed that Jefferson had become a de facto Monarch, since he was now negatively affecting the lives of regular citizens (the embargo led to a severe economic downturn). Federalists (who were concentrated in New England) focused more-and-more on state's rights, and discussions to explore the possibility of secession intensified. Yet, as time would determine, any other decision but the embargo would have been madness or cowardice.

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     In 1808, Jefferson was well-aware of his unpopularity with most Americans due to the Embargo of 1807, and as he had done before in the face of such political hostility and conflict (as Virginia's Governor during the Revolutionary War and as Secretary of State), he returned to his beloved Monticello. In effect, Jefferson was an "Absentee President" to close out his second term, and Secretary of State James Madison ran the Executive branch for the duration of Jefferson's second term, which was great training since he won the Election of 1808, and would serve two terms of his own as President.

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John D. Rockefeller and the Great Railroad Strike of 1877

10/3/2015

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        Source: Ron Chernow. Titan: The Life of John D. Rockefeller, Sr. (1998)
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      In 1875, more oil fields were discovered near Oil Creek (NW Pennsylvania), and the market soon experienced another glut, from $4 a barrel in 1876 to .70 a barrel in 1878. Those that tried to deal directly with John D. Rockefeller (President of Standard Oil, pictured in 1872) during this crisis were frustrated, in that he only worked through trusted agents (one rival described trying to deal with Rockefeller as "boxing with a ghost"). 
     A large controversy erupted during this glut in the oil market in 1878. The major causes were, first, that Standard Oil (SO) wanted to retain its monopoly on it share of pipelines (SO controlled nearly half of the pipeline network). In order to continue to do so, SO connected new oil wells to their pipelines free-of-charge. Standard Oil constructed as much as 5 miles of new pipeline a day, PLUS built huge tank farms for surplus oil, which increased the storage capacity from 1 million to 4.5 million barrels. However, the oil producers had no discipline (or memory of past gluts), and produced far more oil than the system's capacity could hold. These very same "Over-Drillers", when their oil spewed on the ground since there was no place to transport or store it, blamed Rockefeller for their travails.

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     While Rockefeller didn't create the crisis, he saw something in the hullabaloo in which to take advantage. Rockefeller stated that he would only accept oil for immediate shipment to refineries (his refineries, of course). Standard Oil quoted a price for crude oil that was 20% below the market price, then stalled on payments to the desperate oil producers. This was a terribly high-handed and insensitive way to respond to the problems of the producers, even though the producers were the main reason for the crisis. 
                            
​                       (Pictured: A Standard Oil Company Stock Certificate)

     The oil producers responded with a tsunami of rage; to them, the pipelines were behaving in the same conspiratorial manner as the railroads. To most Americans in the 1870s, the railroads were to be equally available for all to use, and the oil producers felt the same about the pipelines . . . interestingly, it's the same argument that Natives used in dealing with whites - no one truly owned the land, it should be available to all. Rockefeller saw the entire situation much differently, in that he was taming a wild and unpredictable industry. Soon, intimidating Ku Klux Klan-like protests by union hotheads occurred at night, threatening Standard Oil with all sorts of nasty and violent retribution.

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     In October 1878, the Pennsylvania state government officially exonerated Standard Oil of any wrongdoing in the crisis. To most involved, that decision proved that shenanigans were afoot (e.g. the investigator was bribed, etc.). Rockefeller saw the oil producers as malcontents and ingrates; he couldn't fathom how the producers failed to make the simple connection that their oil was worthless without his pipelines. To Rockefeller, these oil producers were behaving like five-year-old children that didn't understand how markets worked (e.g. "How dare you not take all that we produce"; and "Why don't you just pay us in 1876 prices?"); he was convinced that the oil producers were unreasonably hostile.
     









   
     Rockefeller had the forward vision to position himself to profit from either surplus or scarcity in the oil market; but despite that foresight, he wasn't invulnerable. Tom Scott, the President of the Pennsylvania Railroad, entered the fray against Rockefeller again, this time using his refining and pipeline subsidiaries. Scott tried to win-over new refiners with bargain transportation rates, and he actually authorized construction of new pipelines from the new oil fields to seaboard refineries, which was a direct challenge to Standard Oil. Scott was trying to chop down Rockefeller despite the fact that 2/3's of all the oil the Pennsylvania Railroad carried was from Standard Oil. 

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      Rockefeller interpreted Scott's actions as a declaration of war, and he decided to take on the most powerful corporation in America in the 1870s. Rockefeller threatened to ship his oil with other railroads (NY Central and Erie), but Scott didn't flinch, so he went on the attack. Rockefeller starved the Pennsylvania Railroad by idling the refineries he controlled in Pittsburgh while increasing production in those he controlled in Cleveland. Also, Standard Oil would undersell Scott's refineries in every market in which they competed.
     Rockefeller had the New York Central and Erie Railroads trim their transportation rates to pressure the Pennsylvania Railroad to lower their freight charges. Also, Standard Oil purchased 600 oil tank cars from William Vanderbilt (pictured); Rockefeller had covered all his bases during his frontal assault against Tom Scott. Rockefeller had quickly humbled the world's largest freight carrier, which everyone assumed was invincible, including Tom Scott. In order to compete with Standard Oil, the Pennsylvania Railroad actually paid oil producers to let them ship their product. 

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     Tom Scott responded by slashing rates and firing hundreds of workers, while reducing wages by 20%. He doubled the length of trains without expanding crews, which led to workers in the Pennsylvania Railroad walking off the job in protest. The Baltimore & Ohio Railroad cut their wages as well, which created the critical mass that precipitated the Great Railroad Strike of 1877, which featured an incredible amount of violence. In Pittsburgh alone, 500 tank cars, 120 locomotives, and 27 buildings were destroyed by union vandals. It became so costly that Tom Scott needed emergency loans from Wall Street financiers . . . and the cost & violence worsened.
                 (Pictured: the main Pennsylvania Railroad yard in Pittsburgh in flames)
     President Rutherford B. Hayes 
sent federal troops to support state militias; American citizens watched in horror as the conflict intensified. After burning 2000+ freight cars, the strikers finally capitulated, but they had introduced America to a new era of labor strife. 
Rockefeller had come VERY close to Standard Oil's property in the affected areas being taken or destroyed . . . in that respect, he was powerless, and very fortunate. Reeling, the Pennsylvania Railroad skipped paying out their scheduled dividend to investors, which sent the price of its stock plummeting. Finally, Tom Scott communicated (via intermediaries) that he was ready to negotiate a settlement with Rockefeller to end the nightmarish scenario.

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     The spoils of victory for Rockefeller were immense. Tom Scott was so desperate for cash that he offered to stop refining oil AND he offered the refining assets of the Pennsylvania Railroad at fire-sale prices (refineries, storage tanks, pipelines, steamships, tugboats, barges, loading docks) . . . even so, it was more than Standard Oil could pay. Scott refused to budge on two points, however: Standard Oil had to buy ALL the assets in which he offered, and he wanted $2.5 million of the $3.4 million purchase price to be paid by certified check in 24 hours. 
     That last demand taxed even Standard Oil's financial reserves, in that Rockefeller only had half of the $2.5m on hand. As a result, Rockefeller toured Cleveland's banks, telling each banker that he needed all the money they had, immediately. Yet, through all this, Rockefeller actually STRENGTHENED his alliance with Scott; his goal was always, if possible, to be conciliatory and to expand his influence.
     Standard Oil agreed to ship at least 2 million barrels of oil per year via the Pennsylvania Railroad, while SO received an additional 10% rebate. Standard Oil (once again) became the "Oil Umpire" for the railroads, deciding on the percentage of oil shipments for each (PA 47%; NY Central and Erie, 21% each; Baltimore & Ohio 11%). And, to top it off, Standard Oil demanded that the Pennsylvania Railroad pay Standard Oil .20 per shipped barrel, like the NY Central and Erie Railroads. In the end, Rockefeller insured that the railroads could never again challenge his power and influence in the oil industry . . . Rockefeller's next big move to consolidate even more power and profit in the oil industry would come in 1882, with the creation of the Standard Oil Trust.

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John D. Rockefeller and the "Cleveland Massacre"

10/1/2015

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  Source: Ron Chernow. Titan: The Life of John D. Rockefeller, Sr. (1998)
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     Why were there severe economic depressions in the decades after the Civil War? First, inflationary booms swamped the nation with goods. Next, big gluts (surpluses) developed from overproduction, and it became impossible for businesses to recoup their investment. The expanded supply led to lower prices, and a cruel deflationary bust, which led to unemployment . . . and a brutal economic depression. In the decades after the Civil War, economic advances were always followed by severe economic downturns, as seen in the depressions that started with the Panics of 1873, 1893, and 1907, and of course the Great Depression.
     As a result, the incentive for many powerful men in business and industry was to try and crush competition by forming monopolies (aka Combinations). Oil was the most volatile of the major industries; being in the petroleum business was a nerve-wracking and unpredictable venture. Low kerosene prices were a boon to consumers, but they were a bane, especially to refiners, in terms of profit margin. 

      By 1870, refiners had a problem, in that total refining capacity was three-times the amount of oil that was pumped from the wells. Refiners and oil drillers were like farmers when the price went down, in that they produced too much crude / refined oil, trying to make money by sheer volume. In 1869, Rockefeller was in a panic; his fear was that his already immense wealth (he was only 29 years old) might disappear due to the volatile market, despite his under-the-table deal with rebates (discounts on shipping oil by rail) with the NY Central & Erie railroads. 
           (Pictured: A small part of Oil Creek in Northwest Pennsylvania in the 1860s)
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     Rockefeller studied the entire market, and figured that a "systematic" solution would rescue the industry . . . and protect and increase his wealth. He thought in terms of "Cooperation" (his word for monopoly); to him that meant strategic alliances and long-term planning. Basically, Rockefeller wanted to reduce the number of refineries to better match oil production. He envisioned a giant oil cartel that would reduce overcapacity and stabilize prices, and of course he would be the one to accomplish that feat, as well as being the primary beneficiary. Ironically, the independent oil companies at Oil Creek (NW Pennsylvania, where the first oil well was erected in 1857), tried to enact the same strategy in terms of limiting the amount of oil that was extracted from the reserves . . . but that coalition fell apart due to a lack of leadership.
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      In order to accomplish his goal, Rockefeller needed oceans of money . . . but how to supplement the company's existing capital and also keep control? His partner, Henry Flagler (pictured), found the solution via incorporation, which allowed them to sell shares to select outside investors. There was a problem with incorporation, however, in that a corporation couldn't own property outside of its state of incorporation ("Trusts" were created by Big Business to bypass this inconvenient law).
     On 10 January 1870, Standard Oil was created, with Rockefeller as President, and Henry Flagler as Secretary and Treasurer (a third partner, Samuel Andrews, was Vice-President). The name of the company referred to their "standard" uniform quality of kerosene which had no impurities of note compared to the competition. Standard Oil already controlled 10% of America's refining capacity, and also had a barrel-making factory, warehouses, shipping facilities, and a fleet of railroad tank cars. Rockefeller's goal was to simply refine ALL of America's oil.
     Rockefeller and Flagler refused a
 salary; their profit was to be solely from the appreciation of Standard Oil's shares and dividends (Rockefeller made sure that he was the largest single shareholder, holding about twice the shares of stock to Flagler and Andrews). Rich investors did not bang on Standard Oil's door, in that it was a very unstable time for new ventures, and the oil industry was too unpredictable for most that were looking to invest. In order to prove the naysayers wrong, Rockefeller paid out 105% on the company's dividends, which was absolutely unheard of in those days in an uncertain economic landscape.

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     Rockefeller's first targets for "Cooperation" were the 26 refineries in-and-around Cleveland, Ohio. His strategy was to become the "Oil Blob" by taking over these refineries, one-by-one. This move would be his first, and most controversial, during his multi-decade career in the petroleum business. To Rockefeller's supporters in 1872, Standard Oil was the birth of a benevolent giant; to his detractors, the company was a monster (soon to be portrayed as an octopus). His rivals saw a brutal power grab; to Rockefeller, he believed that what he was doing would lead to the salvation of the oil industry.
    To "save" the industry from itself, Rockefeller covertly acquired New York's premier oil purchasing company in 1871 (it also had a refinery). This acquisition gave Rockefeller a sophisticated purchasing agency at the perfect time. Publicly, the firm looked like it stood in opposition to Standard Oil, but in reality, it was Rockefeller's pawn. On 1 January 1872, Standard Oil expanded it capital from $1m to $3.5m in just a couple of days. Among the new shareholders were the luminaries of Cleveland banking, with prominent railroad men as well. Also, on 1 January, Standard Oil's Executive Committee decided to purchase "certain refining properties" in Cleveland and elsewhere. It was the start of what historians call the “Cleveland Massacre”.

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        The excluded refiners were from New York and Oil Creek (NW PA). Standard Oil was the driving force behind the SIC; Rockefeller held 900 of the 2000 total shares, and 100+ shares were owned by "Rockefeller Men", which meant that Rockefeller had the controlling interest. As a result, Cleveland refineries were more powerful within the SIC, as well as in the overall marketplace. 
     One might ask - how did the railroads benefit from the from this agreement with Rockefeller and the SIC? Rockefeller helped the railroads arbitrate their vicious rate disputes; Standard Oil also guaranteed that the three railroads had specific percentages of the SIC oil shipments (PA 45%; NY Central and Erie 27.5% each) . . . Rockefeller had become the railroads "Oil Umpire". The railroads were able to run lines of cars at full capacity while making far-fewer stops, which significantly increased their profit margins. Also, the railroads were fully aware that Rockefeller had accumulated MANY oil tank cars; in short, the three railroads badly needed John D. Rockefeller.
     Both refiners and railroads were struggling with excess capacity and suicidal price wars. Rockefeller figured out that he could fix the refiners' problems and those of the railroads in one fell swoop. Rockefeller knew exactly what he wanted, and he had a knack of knowing what the OTHER party wanted as well. Rockefeller saw the whole picture, and figured out how to save the railroads from themselves, and create greater wealth and power for himself.

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      The mayhem began when Rockefeller entered a secret compact with the head of the Pennsylvania Railroad, Tom Scott (pictured). Rockefeller wanted to drive a wedge between the Pittsburgh and Philadelphia refiners and Scott. The result of their agreement was the creation of the South Improvement Company (SIC); the Pennsylvania, New York Central, and Erie Railroads and the refiners that joined the SIC agreed to keep their deal secret. 
     The three railroads (that controlled the rails from NYC to Cleveland) raised the freight rates by 50% for all refiners that weren't part of the SIC (to Rockefeller and the railroads, "Fair Warning" had been given to all refiners). Those in the SIC would receive 50% rebates off crude/refined oil shipments. Also, those in the SIC would receive "Drawbacks", which were further rebates given SIC members for every barrel shipped by non-member refiners (Rockefeller felt totally justified in receiving drawbacks, in that Standard Oil was the de facto warehouse for the oil that was to be shipped . . . he believed he should receive payment for services rendered).
     The railroads also gave members of the SIC inside information on oil shipments from the independent (non-member) refiners, which meant that the SIC could under-sell the independents. The drawbacks (and the other features of the SIC) were an instrument of competitive cruelty, which was unparalleled in US History up to that point; to many Americans, it was the grandest scheme of collusion and knavery they had ever seen.

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     Not long after the SIC was created, the secret was out among the independent refineries in Oil Creek. On 26 February 1872, Pennsylvania newspapers reported the rate hikes for those that weren't in the SIC; it was the death warrant of the independent refiners, and the protests were large, intense, and sometimes ugly. The Petroleum Producer's Union (PPU) was created, and the group of independents only sold crude oil to Oil Creek refiners (the embargo didn't last long, in that their pockets weren't as deep as Rockefeller's; he was awash in cash reserves). The Oil City Derrick listed the names of those in the SIC on its front page, and Rockefeller's name was clearly visible. It was the first time that most Americans heard of John D. Rockefeller, and it was a negative debut.
     Ida Tarbell was 14 years old during this scurrilous hoo-haw, and the controversy was a negative frozen moment in her life (her father was one of the independent refiners). Eventually, she would write The History of the Standard Oil Company, which appeared in installments in McClure's Magazine from 1902 - 1904 (to Ida, Rockefeller didn't "play fair"). 
     Rockefeller always believed that his enemies were axiomatically wrong, and he was right; not just right, but Righteous. To Rockefeller, the furor over the SIC confirmed his view that the oil industry needed to be brought under control . . . his control. Rockefeller's silence during the uproar confirmed, to the public, that he was not only arrogant, but guilty. Rockefeller told the few that were close to him (e.g. Henry Flagler), "You can abuse me, you can strike me, so long as you let me have my way".

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       As always, the greater the tumult, the more calm Rockefeller became, and the more firm he held his ground. The PPU was, in the short-run at least, well-organized and well-run; the PPU had 16 districts that blocked all oil sales to the SIC (there were even night patrols in each district to make sure there wasn't any clandestine night-time drilling). The PPU embargo / boycott took a toll on Standard Oil, in that Rockefeller temporarily laid-off 90% of his workforce.
     The fatal mistake that Rockefeller and the SIC made was omitting refiners in the state of New York; almost immediately the NY refiners joined their Oil Creek brethren in opposition to the SIC. On 25 March 1872, the three railroads, under severe pressure from the PPU and the general public, agreed to cancel their contract with the South Improvement Company. The SIC didn't violate any laws of the day, but it did violate a collective sense of what was considered "Fair Play". 
     On 8 April 1872, Rockefeller surrendered to the obvious, instructing those in the SIC that all contracts with the three railroads were null and void. Rockefeller tried to explain (through intermediaries, since he refused direct contact w/ most anyone) that there was no conspiracy against the refiners . . . the conspiracy was against the consumers. Rockefeller claimed that he wanted a "United Front of Refiners" in order to keep the consumer from negatively affecting the oil market . . . few believed the President of Standard Oil. However, Rockefeller owned 20 of the 26 Cleveland refineries, and already had enough control of at least the regional market to continue to negotiate secret rebate deals with railroads on his own . . .

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