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Benedict Arnold: America's Most Famous Traitor, Part One

4/30/2016

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               Source: Steve Sheinkin. The Notorious Benedict Arnold - A True
                                   Story of Adventure, Heroism, and Treachery (2010)
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      On 4 May 1778, General Benedict Arnold finally returned to his home at New Haven, Connecticut, and was greeted as the "Hero of Saratoga". On 18 May 1778, British officer John Andre's all-day extravaganza (it was more like an elegant carnival) for General Howe occurred in Philadelphia. Unbeknownst to either Arnold or Andre, they would soon work together to try and win the war for Great Britain. 
     On 21 May 1778, Arnold arrived at Valley Forge (PA) and met with General George Washington. Washington knew that Arnold's fighting days were over, so he wanted Arnold to be the military governor of Philadelphia, once the British left (which his spies told him would be soon). The job would call for skills that Arnold didn't have in abundance: patience, tact, and political skill. For reasons that nobody has yet figured out, Washington offered the post to Arnold.
     Philadelphia was of no strategic value for Britain, so Washington's spies were correct: the British forces in Philadelphia went to New York City. Major John Andre said goodbye to a young lady whose acquaintance he had made in Philadelphia, Margaret Shippen, the daughter of a prominent Philadelphia Loyalist (and soon to be the 2nd Mrs. Benedict Arnold). 
     Arnold entered Philadelphia in the center of a large parade in full dress uniform, smiling and waving to the crowd. Washington's instructions to Arnold were to adopt certain measures that were effective-yet-least-offensive in order to restore order. But Arnold started to offend the citizens of Philadelphia almost immediately; he was determined to live like a supreme leader, and it was an irritating (and rude) display of luxury to a city that was in shambles.

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      The citizens of Philadelphia wondered where Arnold obtained large amounts of money. Arnold had made a huge profit from confiscated stores on an American cargo ship, which wasn't exactly illegal, but it certainly wasn't ethical. Arnold kept quiet about the details that lead to his wealth; he felt more-than-entitled to that wealth since he had served with great distinction, but hadn't received the respect/glory he felt he deserved, and that he had also lost his robust health. 
     Joseph Reed was a successful Philadelphia lawyer, and a former aide to Washington, and was Vice-President of the Pennsylvania Executive Council that actually administered the city of Philadelphia. Reed hated seeing military leaders get so popular, and was also jealous of Arnold. Reed wanted to cut the military leaders down-to-size while there was still time to do so; to Reed, Arnold was no longer doing the work of the Revolution. At a gala dance, Arnold asked to be introduced to Peggy Shippen; after a small chat, he was smitten. Peggy was also intrigued with Arnold, and soon Arnold's fancy coach was often spotted in front of the Shippen mansion.
     Finally, Arnold was able to walk without crutches. The best cobbler in Philadelphia made a special high heel for his (shorter) left leg. Arnold strolled the streets of Philadelphia with a limp (and a cane), ignoring the fierce storm between Loyalists, Patriots, and neutrals that raged around him . . . by that time, everything in Philadelphia was political. Arnold was even accused of inviting Tory (Loyalist) ladies to galas, which was true, but Arnold just wanted to be entertained and he enjoyed female company (as did Benjamin Franklin and George Washington). 

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      While Arnold and Peggy were doing well together, Arnold and the Pennsylvania legislature were not; the legislature was convinced that American military officers were starting to act like British aristocrats. Arnold purchased Mount Pleasant, which was a mansion on 90 acres overlooking the Schuylkill River, and easily one of the grandest estates in Philadelphia. 
     Reed became the preeminent figure in the Pennsylvania Executive Council, which not only made him more powerful, but also increased his obsession with destroying Arnold. Reed started to officially investigate the source of Arnold's wealth, and he used the city's newspapers to mount a smear campaign against Arnold. Arnold should have ignored the investigation and attacks, but of course he took it all personally, and had to respond. Then, in a newspaper article came specific mention of the rumors surrounding Arnold and Montreal (false accusations in which Arnold was accused of stealing supplies for his retreating soldiers after the failure at Quebec in 1775). Arnold responded with contempt for all Pennsylvania officials; by then, even Arnold understood it was probably time to leave Philadelphia.

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       In February 1779, Arnold went to Washington to discuss options; Reed panicked, believing that he was losing his chance to destroy Arnold. Arnold was almost to Washington's HQ when he was shown a newspaper from a stranger. Contained in an article were the formal charges against Arnold from the Pennsylvania Executive Council. The Council accused Arnold of everything they could dream up, including illegal purchases, illegal use of public wagons for personal gain, and disrespectful treatment of militiamen and government leaders. 
     Arnold showed Washington the charges contained in the newspaper; Washington advised Arnold to go back to Philadelphia and deal with the problem. Washington was thinking politically, which was very common for the general, but Arnold thought that even Washington doubted his honor . . . it was a turning point for Arnold in terms of his relationship with Washington. 
     Andre quickly became General Henry Clinton's closest aide. Clinton was a very difficult general to serve, since he was perpetually moody, distant, a loner, and always appeared to be annoyed. Other officers avoided Clinton, but Andre took a liking to the general, and was able to break through Clinton's veneer. Andre was promoted to major, and in effect became Clinton's Chief-of-Staff . . . Andre was becoming an important man in New York City, and he loved it for every minute. 
     In April 1779, Clinton named Andre his Chief of Intelligence, which meant he was in charge of Clinton's spy network. Andre was 28, which aggravated the older, more senior officers; to them, Andre was a "cringing, insidious sycophant". Andre was fully aware that he was on a figurative ledge, and that many were rooting for him to fall . . . Andre was supremely motivated to show them he was the right man for the post - he wanted to pull off an amazing coup as the Intelligence Chief. 

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     On 8 April 1779, Arnold and Peggy were married in the Shippen mansion. The charges against Arnold were national news, and Arnold was quickly running out of money; he was bleeding cash trying to keep his extravagant standard-of-living. Soon, Arnold started to borrow money to keep up appearances, and Arnold and Peggy largely kept to themselves . . . this was when the treasonous plot was most likely hatched. 
     Congress had to decide the Arnold v. Pennsylvania debacle, but they couldn't find any evidence of illegal trading by Arnold. Congress then in effect transferred the entire mess to Washington, telling him to try Arnold in a military court. Arnold asked for a quick trial, but Reed objected, saying he needed more time to gather evidence. Reed went so far as to write Washington that if he didn't get the extra time, then Pennsylvania's support of the war effort just might decrease. 
     Washington was in an impossible position, and decided to postpone Arnold's trial. Arnold believed that the delay meant that Washington also saw him as a criminal, which proved to be another step towards treason. Arnold stated that the delay was worse-than-death; Arnold was most likely wrestling with his inner-demons by that time, and was heading towards some dreadful decisions. It was almost like Arnold was asking Washington to save him before it was too late. 

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      Major Andre had a hard time knowing which people visiting his office were actually spies, and whether they were credible or crackpots. On 10 May 1779, Joseph Stansbury visited Andre and told him that General Benedict Arnold was offering his services to General Henry Clinton, either by joining the British army or by being part of a covert operation. Andre was in absolute shock . . . it never even remotely registered to any British officer that Arnold was anything but a true Patriot. 
     A few days later, Stansbury told Arnold that his offer had been accepted, and that Andre urged Arnold to propose a specific plan of action. Peggy Arnold was the go-between, and invisible ink from onion juice was used; their cypher was Blackstone's Commentaries, a massive legal text familiar to the well-educated. The code/cypher was impossible to break, but it was also very slow and tedious to decode. 
     Arnold inquired about financial details, while Andre wanted information in order to find a weak spot in the American defenses. Andre made it very clear to Arnold that he needed to return to an important command in the American Army. Arnold saw Washington at his headquarters on 1 June 1779, just before his long-delayed court-martial was to begin. Arnold started ranting about Congress and Reed, and Washington didn't want to be seen talking to Arnold in any meaningful public way before the court-martial due to perceptions of fairness. As a result, Washington gave Arnold a fairly stern public rebuke; as a result, Arnold no longer had second thoughts of treason . . . his inner-demons were no more.

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Benedict Arnold: The Hero of Saratoga (Aug 1777 - January 1778)

4/29/2016

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       Source: Steve Sheinkin. The Notorious Benedict Arnold - A True
                           Story of Adventure, Heroism, and Treachery (2010)

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     After securing Fort Stanwix, Major General Benedict Arnold returned to the Northern Army to find the overall commander, General Philip Schuyler, and his second-in-command, General Horatio Gates, fighting for control of the army. Congress sided with Gates; a majority in Congress had (unfairly) blamed Schuyler for the British takeover of Fort Ticonderoga. Gates, at the age of 50, finally saw his chance to achieve glory. 
     Gates decided to organize his army in a defensive posture in order to face the slowly advancing British forces under General John Burgoyne. While Gates was doing so, more-and-more soldiers showed up at camp, bolstering the Northern Army. Until this point, Gates and Arnold had got along okay; but then Arnold discovered that Gates didn't mention Arnold in his dispatches about Fort Stanwix . . . and Arnold offended Gates by populating his staff with Schuyler loyalists. 
     The main division between the two concerned their strategies of the upcoming battle at Saratoga. Gates didn't think that Arnold's recklessness was needed . . . he wanted the British to smash themselves against his defenses. As always, Arnold preferred the offensive, and since Daniel Morgan and his men were also at Saratoga, Arnold wanted to attack Burgoyne and disrupt their plans/formations and create chaos . . . chaos that would lead to victory and glory for Arnold.

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     Gates had become sick of hearing about Arnold's heroism and bravery, and he no longer invited Arnold to strategy meetings. Gates' defensive strategy would be the equivalent of a head coach that was "playing not to lose" . . . it was exactly the strategy on which General Burgoyne was counting. At 10 am on 19 September 1777, Burgoyne's forces started hammering away with cannon fire at the defensive positions of the Northern Army. 
     Arnold urged Gates to not let the British get any closer; finally, mostly to just get Arnold away from him, Gates told Arnold to take 2000+ men and head to the battle. Arnold led his men to the fighting, and after being repulsed on his first charge, Morgan and his snipers started picking off British officers. The Americans and British went back-and-forth all afternoon; many later thought the fighting featured the most intense artillery/musket exchanges of the entire Revolutionary War. 
     Arnold sensed that victory was near, and asked Gates for reinforcements. Gates refused to do so, saying it was too risky; Arnold personally asked Gates to reconsider, and Gates still refused. Arnold continued to plead his case, and finally Gates sent 300+ men back with Arnold. Arnold told those near him that he would end the battle, but Gates heard his boast, and recalled Arnold to camp . . . Arnold heard the last sounds of battle that day standing just outside his tent.

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      Arnold's men fell back to the defensive lines, and Burgoyne was in control of the field; Burgoyne had 600+ casualties to approximately 300 for the Americans. Burgoyne and his staff tried to figure out what went wrong on their assault . . . they concluded that their failure was due to Arnold's actions and leadership. 
     At the same time, Gates was satisfied with his defensive strategy, and he made sure that his lines were more stout, since Burgoyne had lost many more men, and many of his best officers. Gates concluded that Burgoyne would have to attack with his weakened army, or head back to Canada; for Gates, it was all wine-and-roses at this point of the battle. True, Burgoyne was in a dangerous position, but he was expecting help. General Howe was supposed to head north from New York City, and General Barry St. Leger was to come in from the west. But Arnold had forced St. Leger to alter his plans at Fort Stanwix, and Howe chose instead to take Philadelphia, in part due to his hatred of Burgoyne, whom he outranked.

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     General George Washington's failure to keep the British from enforcing their will in Pennsylvania intensified pressure on the Northern Army at Saratoga. By that point, Gates and Arnold were beyond any reconciliation. Gates made no mention in his dispatches to Congress of Arnold's successful efforts in stopping Burgoyne, which was contrary to all military tradition. Arnold was stunned and insulted, and to make matters worse, Gates took Morgan and his men under his direct command, crippling Arnold's initiative in any future engagements. 
     None of what Gates did to Arnold made any military sense, but Gates was concerned that Arnold may do something stupid and reckless that may lead to defeat . . . his defeat. Or, perhaps worse yet, Arnold may do something crazy to win the battle and deny Gates his glory. Arnold confronted Gates, and Gates expertly needled Arnold to the point where Arnold demanded to join Washington in Pennsylvania. 
     Gates gladly wrote the pass for Arnold, but Arnold remained at Saratoga, and then raved when Major General Benjamin Lincoln (one of the five original major generals selected by Congress, and who Arnold actually out-ranked at that point) took command of his men. Gates told Arnold that if he interfered again he would be arrested . . . it was awkward for Arnold to remain, but he just couldn't leave the Battle of Saratoga.

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     By early-October, Gates had over 10,000 men to Burgoyne's 5000. Burgoyne was still in front of the American lines with only three weeks remaining of his provisions . . . yet on 7 October 1777, Burgoyne made his move. General James Wilkinson advised Gates to attack Burgoyne with Morgan and his men, a comment which Arnold overheard. Gates noticed that Arnold was eavesdropping, and ordered him back to his tent. 
     Arnold couldn't stand the situation any longer, and he mounted a horse and rode around the camp, then he spurred his horse towards the sound of the battle, shouting "Victory or Death" . . . Gates ordered Arnold to be brought back to camp. Soldiers cheered when they saw Arnold heading their way, and cheered even louder when Arnold took command on the field. The men had no idea that Arnold did so without the authority of General Horatio Gates.

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       Gates was no longer in control of the battle; Arnold led charges against one of the British redoubts (small fort-like defenses) in order to outflank Burgoyne. Arnold led charge-after-charge, and then realized that he had been attacking the stronger of the two redoubts. Then Arnold did something extreme, even for him: Arnold dodged fire between enemy lines for 120 yards, reaching the Americans in front of the weaker redoubt to the north.
     Arnold then led charges on that position, until he felt a musket ball slice through his left leg, and the leg splintered under the weight of his falling horse. Arnold ordered his men to continue the charge, and from the ground, with his left leg shattered, he saw the decisive victory come to pass that he had longed for during the last three years (during the fighting on 7 October, British General Simon Fraser was shot and killed; he had kept the British focused, organized, and inspired . . . it was possible that Arnold was targeted as a result of Fraser's death).

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     Arnold's men jury-rigged a conveyance for Arnold; it was at that point that a messenger from Gates told Arnold that he was to return to camp before doing "some rash thing". Arnold was asked where he was hit, and Arnold responded that it was the same leg that was injured at Quebec (in 1775), but "I wish it had been my heart". 
     Arnold was not only shot in the left leg, but he also had a very serious compound fracture. Arnold refused to have the leg amputated, and his leg was put in a "fracture box", which was a tight wooden frame around his entire leg (a device that was still in use during the Civil War). Arnold was told by doctors that he would be bedridden on his back for several months. It was in this condition that Arnold followed the news from Saratoga. Burgoyne was outnumbered 3:1 by Gates, and surprisingly, Gates took the initiative, and attacked Burgoyne as he was retreating to Canada. On 17 October 1777, Burgoyne surrendered his 6000+ British and Hessian soldiers to Gates . . . it was by far the biggest event yet in the Revolutionary War.

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     Arnold trembled with rage, calling Gates 'the greatest poltroon (coward) in the world". Arnold didn't hear a thing from Gates, but there was plenty of news about Horatio Gates to read. Gates was the "Hero of Saratoga", and Arnold obsessed about the unfair cruelty of it all. In mid-December 1777, Congress granted Arnold the seniority he had long desired, but Arnold didn't feel "restored". 
    





  
   




          

     
 
     Congress, like Gates, was silent about Arnold's role at Saratoga. In mid-January 1778, Washington sent Arnold a letter of congratulations, and inquired about his health and his ability to return to duty. Arnold had muscle damage so severe in his left leg that they shrank as they healed, leaving his left leg two inches shorter than his right . . . his doctors didn't think that Arnold would ever walk again . . . or would even want to walk again. Up to this point in time, Arnold was always able to redouble his efforts and try again to achieve the glory that kept eluding him. But in his current physical and mental state, he didn't think there would ever be a "next time" . . . the seeds for treason were sown . . . 

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Benedict Arnold: Before Saratoga, 4 January - 24 August 1777

4/22/2016

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       Source: Steve Sheinkin. The Notorious Benedict Arnold - A True
                            Story of Adventure, Heroism, and Treachery (2010)          
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     After the Battle at Valcour Island in October 1776, Benedict Arnold was back in New Haven, Connecticut by January 1777. Arnold loved reading the positive press about his exploits; he felt honored when he read that the British thought it was a shame that he wasn't captured, since he was the most "enterprising" of the rebels. Arnold was no longer the one in New Haven being negatively judged; those that had been doing so were coming by, uninvited, to congratulate him, ask about him, and wish him well. 
     Arnold was also well-received in Boston, and was invited to a party hosted by Washington's Commander of the Artillery, Henry Knox. But soon, Arnold heard less-than-stellar opinions of his recent military action. Some said that Arnold had behaved rashly, and only cared for personal glory . . . and some even said that Arnold was an "Evil Genius".

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     In Philadelphia, the Continental Congress had become tired of seeing generals being treated as celebrities and/or idols; John Adams and many of the other members of Congress didn't want the military to overshadow the true heroes of the Revolution . . . themselves. Washington submitted a request to Congress for five new major generals. General Washington left the decision to Congress (for political reasons); Congress was itching to show the Commander of the Continental Army who was actually in charge.
     The selections for the major generals by Congress featured none of the men Washington wanted. Arnold had been passed over, which upset Washington, in that Arnold had more seniority/rank than those chosen. General Washington knew that Arnold would miss the politics of the decision, and take the result as a personal insult, and would most likely resign. Washington wrote Arnold, telling him that the selections were based on politics and sectionalism, not merit. But Arnold believed that the stories told by his enemies were the reason why he wasn't promoted. Arnold was at home, feeling besieged by bitter enemies, with idle time on his hands, and experiencing more periods of gout. But the Revolutionary War saved Arnold; on 25 April 1777, Benedict Arnold was awakened at 3 am by militiamen pounding on his door.

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      General Arnold was told that the British were raiding their beloved Connecticut, and were slashing/burning their way in the direction of Danbury. Arnold rode 20 miles, and when he saw the 2000+ Redcoats moving back to Long Island, Arnold decided to attack with only 500 men. Arnold placed his men on the road the British would soon use on their route back to New York. Riding back-and-forth between positions, Arnold's horse was shot out from under him (At least 9 Redcoats fired at him). Arnold's leg was trapped underneath his felled horse, but he was able to kill an approaching Redcoat with a single shot of his pistol. 
     Arnold freed himself and took off on foot across a swamp, fired on repeatedly until he was able to reach the cover of the woods. At least two shots went through Arnold's hat . . . once again, the British were impressed. Congress, after hearing about Arnold's actions, promoted Arnold to Major General . . . but the original five major generals still outranked Arnold. Once again, Arnold felt slighted, believing again that the attacks on his character were the reason why he didn't receive the promotion he felt he deserved.

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      The worst of the anti-Arnold rumors were still those concerning Montreal, where Arnold was accused of stealing provisions for retreating soldiers after Quebec in 1775. Arnold was determined to go to Philadelphia in order to convince Congress to give him seniority over the original five major generals; Washington knew no good could come of Arnold's efforts. On 19 May 1777, Arnold made his case to Congress; Arnold's lack of political skills/tact hurt him badly. Arnold's sincere appeal quickly turned to angry whining . . . Arnold received a new horse, but no advancement in rank/seniority. 
     Arnold stayed in Philadelphia to lobby for the desired rank/seniority nonetheless; larger political issues meant nothing to Arnold . . . to him, everything was personal. After weeks of fruitless efforts, Arnold finally gave up, and on 10 July 1777, Arnold wrote his resignation, and delivered it to Congress the next day. Congress received another letter on 11 July 1777 from Washington, notifying them that the British had started their attack from Canada, and were threatening to take the Hudson River (to Washington and many others, if the "Line of the Hudson" was taken by the British, the war would be lost). 
     Washington wrote additional letters to Congress, inquiring about Arnold's status, and saying that he wanted Arnold to head north. Congress asked Arnold to set aside his resignation and hurry to Washington's headquarters . . . both parties were glad to be rid of each other.

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      Arnold reached Washington's headquarters on 17 July 1777. Washington told Arnold that this time, the British were in greater force than in 1776. Fort Ticonderoga had been retaken by General Burgoyne, and his army was heading towards the Hudson River. Washington told Arnold to head north and help General Philip Schuyler deal with Burgoyne. 
     In early-August 1777, General Schuyler called his top Northern Army officers to a council of war. The Northern Army had about 6000 men, but half were sick; Burgoyne was advancing with 8000+ men, but slowly. And, to make matters worse, Lt. Colonel Barry St. Leger (promoted to Brevet General for that campaign) was coming from the west with 750 Redcoats and over 1000 Mohawks. Most generals advised Schuyler to keep the army in one piece, and forget about defending Stanwix. 
     Arnold told Schuyler that he should divide his army, sending troops to reinforce (or to rescue) those at Fort Stanwix, and Schuyler agreed. Schuyler then asked who would lead the force to Stanwix, and nobody responded, not even Arnold. An angry Schuyler then stated he would lead the force, and asked who would be his #2 general . . . Arnold was the only general that offered to go with Schuyler to Fort Stanwix.

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     The goal was to keep St. Leger's forces from getting anywhere near the Hudson River. On 21 August 1777, Arnold, who was on-point, neared Fort Stanwix, and confirmed that St. Leger was at least twice his strength. Arnold wanted to attack, but agreed to wait for reinforcements; Arnold wanted happier officers under his command, for at least the time-being.
     But Arnold had a trick up his sleeve; instead of shooting a suspected traitor named Hon Yost Schuyler (who was actually a Loyalist working for St. Leger), he ordered Yost Schuyler's coat to be shot-up. Then, beholden to Arnold for his life, Arnold had Yost Schuyler head to Fort Stanwix. Yost Schuyler was captured, and he told the Mohawks that he had barely escaped with his life eluding an American army that numbered over 2000. The Mohawks wanted to leave anyway, and they now had their excuse; as the Mohawks prepared to leave, they must have enjoyed scaring the devil out of the British - terrified Redcoats ran to the woods. St. Leger had no choice but to retreat to Lake Ontario, 70 miles away. On 24 August 1777, Arnold arrived at Fort Stanwix, solidifying American possession of the area. An aggressive-yet-tricky General Arnold had succeeded in keeping St. Leger's force from reaching the Hudson River from the west, which would be crucial in the Battle of Saratoga in September/October of 1777 (pictured above: the British overall strategic plan on taking the "Line of the Hudson" with 3 armies . . . St. Leger had only reached Fort Ticonderoga when Burgoyne surrendered his army near Saratoga on 17 October 1777).

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Benedict Arnold: The Hero of the Battle of Valcour Island (1776)

4/17/2016

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       Source: Steve Sheinkin. The Notorious Benedict Arnold - A True
                           Story of Adventure, Heroism, and Treachery (2010)
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      Benedict Arnold was already an American Colonial hero by the Summer of 1776. In 1775, he (with Ethan Allen and his Green Mountain Boys) had taken Fort Ticonderoga on Lake Champlain from the British for the 100+ cannon. And later that year, Arnold and hundreds volunteers from the Continental Army experienced incredible hardships just getting to the fort at Quebec on the St. Lawrence River, and actually entered the fort before being forced out by a much larger British contingent. A wounded Arnold was the last American officer to vacate the area after it became clear a retreat was necessary.
     Benedict Arnold's life to that point featured periods of hard work and achievements that were interrupted by outbursts of temper . . . politics and subtlety were not among his strengths. Arnold saw the Revolutionary War as a chance to wipe out the negativity that had surrounded the Arnold family name in New Haven, CT, and to soar above those that dared to judge him . . . in short, Benedict Arnold sought immortality.

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      During the Summer of 1776, a meeting of officers from the Northern Continental Army took place. General Philip Schuyler was in overall command, with General Horatio Gates second-in-command. General Arnold (who was still beyond-upset that he wasn't one of the highest-ranking generals in the entire Continental Army) reviewed the situation facing them on Lake Champlain. Arnold told his fellow officers that the British were regrouping at St. John's in the northern area of the lake, and had rebuilt its fleet, and were ready to head south past the lake to the Hudson River all the way to New York City. 
​     Arnold stated that the British fleet must be stopped in Lake Champlain, and to do so meant building an American fleet. Arnold proposed building boats that would be smaller than the British ships, and with fewer guns, but more maneuverable. Since no general really knew what to do, Schuyler gave Arnold command of the American fleet on Lake Champlain; the other generals were glad to have Arnold have the responsibility, since he would have to take the blame when the fleet was crushed by the British. Arnold was given the title of "Commander of the Lakes", and as he started to build America's first fleet of ships, news of the Declaration of Independence reached their location in Upstate New York.
 

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      General Arnold was under a lot of pressure in Lake Champlain, especially when he heard of the near-capture of Washington's Army just outside of New York City. Arnold kept crews working around-the-clock, but the construction of the fleet was still going too slowly. Arnold needed more of everything, including sailors for the ships. Arnold, tactless as always, went above Gates to Schuyler, demanding what was needed. Schuyler was already suspicious and distrustful of Gates, and Gates coveted Schuyler's command, and so Arnold's actions increased the tensions among those two generals (and Arnold didn't do any favors for himself with Gates, especially)
    While trying to build the fleet (pictured: a drawing depicting the construction of one of the ships in Arnold's fleet), Arnold had to defend himself in a military inquiry. In Canada, the supplies he arranged for the retreating troops from Quebec were not properly guarded, and Arnold had dressed-down the officer in charge in front of others. That officer then spread false rumors that Arnold had obtained the supplies by stealing them Montreal. Arnold had to spend a week defending himself in court rather than building the fleet; Arnold refused to apologize to the judges for his behavior, and even challenged all of the judges to individual duels. Frightened, the court asked Gates to have Arnold placed under arrest; Gates couldn't spare Arnold, and he subsequently dissolved the panel of inquiry. General Gates actually stood up for Arnold in this situation, but he never forgot that Arnold went over his head to Schuyler.

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      By September 1776, Arnold's spies were sure that Britain's fleet would move south on Lake Champlain in October. Again, Arnold asked Gates for more of everything, and Gates told Arnold to use what he already had in his possession. At that point, it dawned on Arnold that he was being set up for failure, and then to be blamed. Arnold knew he couldn't slug it out with the British fleet ship-to-ship, so he had to come up with another strategy. Arnold moved his just-constructed fleet behind Valcour Island so the British, as they moved down Lake Champlain, would not see any American ships. General Guy Carleton, the commander of the British fleet, overheard one of his captains lamenting the fact that the Americans were nowhere in sight; Carleton, who was very familiar with Arnold's courage and boldness, told his captain, "wait and see".
    The Battle of Valcour Island started on 11 October 1776. Arnold arranged his fleet of 15 small ships in an arc, hiding in the narrow channel between Valcour Island and the main shore of Lake Champlain. Arnold prepared his 800 men on 15 ships to engage 34 British ships of various sizes that had at least 700 men. Arnold hoped that the British fleet would sail past his position, and when they spotted the American fleet, the British would need to turn around. At that point, the wind would be against them in order to get to the channel were the American fleet was located . . . that was the moment that Arnold wanted to attack. But, if the wind changed direction, the American fleet would be floating in a death trap.

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      The British fleet approached Valcour Island without any scouting vessels, and cruised past the island in an overconfident manner; the British eventually spotted the American fleet when they had sailed south past the island. The wind remained in Arnold's favor; now Arnold needed to lure the British into battle very quickly before they had time to adjust strategy/tactics. Arnold and his fleet darted forward and opened fire; Arnold continued to bark out orders even though the battle didn't start out well for the Americans.
     General Carleton was shaken; this wasn't the battle he had envisioned. The battle raged all afternoon, and as the sun started to set, the superior British firepower began to dominate. The British set in for the night, blocking the American fleet in the channel, and were content to wait until the next morning to finish off the stubborn smaller fleet. Arnold had three options: first, he could stay and fight, which was madness. Second, he could surrender, but to Arnold that wasn't an option worth even considering. So it would be the third option; the British had left a small gap between their line of ships and the shore. Arnold knew the area well, and he knew the gap had water deep enough for his ships to navigate their way through . . . Arnold's plan was for a "Midnight Escape".

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      The night was dark and moonless; shirts were wrapped around the oars, and the American fleet rowed through the gap without being discovered . . . and as at Quebec, Arnold was the last to leave (on his flagship, the Congress). Again, the British were very surprised the next morning; General Carleton was in a rage, largely to cover his own embarrassment at being outfoxed. Carleton gave the order to chase-down the American fleet. Arnold had an eight mile head start, but even so, it would be a close race to the closest American fort at Crown Point. If Arnold could reach the protection of the fort's guns, he would be safe . . . but he was twenty miles away, and the British fleet was closing fast.
     The British fleet caught up with Arnold's ships at noon on 12 October 1776; the American fleet was rowing for their lives as the British fired, and hit some of the American vessels. Again, Arnold's knowledge of the lake paid off in that he knew he was approaching a shallow rocky bay where the British couldn't follow. Arnold headed into the shallow bay, and ordered his men out of the boats on to the shore, carrying the wounded and setting the fleet on fire. The fire reached the powder kegs on each ship, and there were many explosions, which shielded the men as they made their escape on land.  Arnold and his men were still ten miles from the fort at Crown Point, but they reached the fort that night . . . and found out that the army had abandoned the fort and had retreated to Fort Ticonderoga.

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     Arnold and his men reached Ticonderoga at 4 am on 13 October 1776. The American forces at Ticonderoga knew they didn't have enough firepower to hold against a British onslaught. It wasn't until  28 October 1776 that Carleton's fleet was spotted; Carleton had no idea of the strength of the fort's defenses, and his supply lines from Canada had become dangerously long and vulnerable . . . also, Carleton's fleet had taken an unexpected pounding from Arnold's ships.
     Carleton decided that he had enough for one season, and while claiming two victories, he had failed to drive off the Americans from Lake Champlain. The British would have to start all over the next year; if the British had forced the Americans from the lake, and had moved down the Hudson to join the huge British force in NYC, the Revolutionary War would most likely have ended. General Gates and the Americans under his command at Fort Ticonderoga watched the British fleet disappear in the distance . . . Arnold's little navy was destroyed, but that tiny fleet had kept the American Revolution alive.

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The Attempted Assassination of President Ronald Reagan

4/2/2016

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                  Source: H.W. Brands. Reagan: The Life (2015)
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      On 30 March 1981, President Ronald Reagan addressed the leaders of the Building & Construction Trades Department (pictured) of the AFL-CIO at the Washington Hilton, just up Connecticut Avenue from the White House. Union leaders listened respectfully but skeptically; many were disappointed that Reagan didn't endorse federal spending for mass transit and energy projects, which would employ 600,000+ idle workers.
     Nancy Reagan was initially told that Reagan wasn't shot outside the Hilton; but she went to George Washington Hospital as fast as she could anyway. When Nancy arrived, Michael Deaver (one of the members of Reagan's "Troika") told her that Reagan had been shot (the shooter was John Hinckley, Jr.). Reagan later said that he felt a blow in his upper back that was unbelievably painful, and initially thought he had a broken rib. When Reagan started coughing up blood, the Secret Service agent next to him ordered the limousine to the George Washington Hospital . . . during the few minutes to the George Washington, Reagan's condition worsened.

       Inside the double-doors of the hospital, Reagan collapsed; he was held up by Secret Service agents. The George Washington Hospital staff thought that Reagan was suffering from a heart attack, and prepared intravenous lines. Reagan regained consciousness and complained that he couldn't breathe. When the bullet hole was discovered after rolling the President to his right, it was deduced that he had been hit by a ricocheted bullet; a small "wicked disc" remained in Reagan's body. The doctor in charge, Dr. Benjamin Aaron, decided to remove the bullet. When Nancy was allowed into pre-op to see her husband, Reagan said, "Honey, I forgot to duck".
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      Secretary of State Alexander Haig called Chief-of-Staff James Baker III (pictured below with Reagan after the President's recovery) just before Baker left the White House to go to the hospital. Haig was alarmed that the President was incapacitated, even temporarily, with Vice-President George Bush out of D.C. in somewhere in Texas. Haig told Baker he would ensure the chain-of-command by gathering the Cabinet officials most crucial to national security: Defense, Treasury, CIA, National Security Advisor, and the Attorney General, and he would continue to try and reach the Vice-President.
     Baker, as Chief-of-Staff, had to decide whether-or-not to invoke the 25th Amendment; should Vice-President Bush be the acting-President while Reagan was undergoing surgery . . . Baker decided not to do so. Baker didn't want Bush to become an acting-President; Baker liked Bush very much, but Baker and the other Reagan loyalists didn't think Bush's conservative bona fides were nearly stout enough. Also, their was the fact that Baker and Bush were very good friends, and appearances mattered, even when the President was fighting for his life.

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      Press Secretary James Brady's assistant, Larry Speakes, froze under the pressure of the cameras, and didn't have up-to-the-minute information, which created the impression that no one was in charge of the federal government while Reagan was undergoing surgery. Secretary of State Haig was watching the press conference; Haig felt that it was imperative to show that the U.S. had an effective government during the crisis. Haig raced out of the Situation Room and dashed to the Press Room, and took over for Speakes.
     




  
     Haig was asked who was making decisions in the Executive Branch; Haig had intended to calm down the room (and nation), but he arrived out-of-breath, and his words had the opposite effect. Also, Haig made a mistake in terms of the line-of-succession according to the 25th Amendment; the Secretary of State was 5th, not 3rd, in the line-of-succession (after the President is the Vice-President, then the Speaker-of-the-House, then the President Pro-Tem of the Senate, THEN the SecState). Haig's "I am in control here" line was too easily used by TV to portray the SecState in the wrong manner; Haig's main intent was to let the USSR know that there were indeed people in charge of the government and the military. Haig regretted not composing himself before he took the podium and his choice of words . . . but he succeeded in pointing out that he was the senior Cabinet official present, and the government was functioning.

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     Reagan's surgery began smoothly; fresh blood replaced the lost blood, and a breathing tube kept him oxygenated, and the President's vital signs were stable . . . but the bullet proved to be very elusive. Multiple eyes and doctors were involved trying to find the bullet to no avail. During the searches, the bullet kept moving slightly, avoiding detection . . . finally, the bullet was found and removed (an intern had to hold the President's heart in his hands for the bullet to be found and removed).
     The rest of the surgery was straightforward, but still risky, in that an artery needed to be repaired, and a lung sutured (the surgery lasted 70 minutes on a President that was almost 70 years old). Reagan recovered, but Nancy never did; she would remain paranoid when her husband needed to leave the White House for any significant sojourn for the rest of his Presidency . . . Reagan was released after only thirteen days at George Washington Hospital.

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     Reagan recuperated over the next two weeks at the White House, but Nancy could never relax; she knew of the "fatal pattern" of Presidents that were elected in years ending with a zero since 1840 (divisible by 20) . . . Nancy constantly worried that death in office still awaited her husband. The First Lady started to consult an astrologer, Joan Quigley (pictured) whom she had met years ago in California from a mutual friend, Merv Griffin. 
     Quigley claimed to have 30 March 1981 pegged as a "bad day" for Reagan; Nancy became addicted to contacting Quigely when Reagan resumed normal activities as President. Nancy involved Michael Deaver, who made sure that the astrologer remained secret; neither he or Nancy wanted to embarrass the President that she constantly used an astrologer to predict "good days" or "bad days" for her husband.

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     A month-and-a-day after being shot, Reagan asked for, and received permission, to address Congress. Reagan had to fight through extended arms and hands to reach the podium. Reagan reveled in the atmosphere, and reciprocated that good feeling . . . he was performing in front of a receptive audience, a feeling he craved (it was the main reason why he entered politics).
Soon enough during his address, Reagan launched into the topics of less federal spending, finding ways to reduce inflation and to lower taxes (pictured behind Reagan: VP Bush to the left, and Speaker of the House Tip O'Neill to the right).
     Six months after his election, the economy was still in "Stagflation" mode; inflation had scarcely abated and interest rates were punishingly high; 8 million Americans were out of work, and real wages were down. Reagan stated that the effort to improve the economy started with the federal budget; in Reagan's view, government was too big and it spent far too much.
     Reagan's proposed budget had moved along until House Democrats presented their version that kept social spending levels intact, raised taxes, and cut proposed increases in defense spending. Reagan responded that he proposed nothing more than to stop tax increases; he didn't advocate tax cuts as of yet. Reagan's address was in the aftermath of the first Space Shuttle Mission, which had just successfully concluded . . . Reagan stated that "we have much greatness before us"; t
he near-death experience from the attempted assassination only heightened Reagan's sense of mission as President

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