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The Creation of the Standard Oil Trust (1882)

11/20/2016

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             Ron Chernow. Titan: The Life of John D. Rockefeller, Sr. (1998)
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​     On 8 July 1879, John D. Rockefeller turned 40, and was one of America's 20 richest men, and easily the most obscure. Rockefeller's worth was often underestimated, with his stock in Standard Oil worth $18 million alone ($405m in 2015; when Vanderbilt died in 1877, he was worth $100m in 2015 dollars). By 1878, Rockefeller tried to be "semi-retired", often taking off afternoons, knowing that he had control over almost all of the refineries/pipelines in the oil industry. 
    It was at this time that the press, finally, took notice of Standard Oil and Rockefeller. In November 1878, the New York Sun featured a full-length profile of Rockefeller, and among the article's assertions was mention of a secret railroad deal from which Rockefeller benefited tremendously . . . put no proof was offered. By the early-1880s, Rockefeller had universal notoriety, much to his great chagrin and irritation. 
     In 1883, Rockefeller moved from Cleveland to New York City, pulled to the city due to the heavy kerosene trade. By 1884, Cleveland had been relegated to inferior status in terms of refining, and NYC, with all its seaboard refineries and its great port, was the new epicenter for Standard Oil. The export boom of petroleum products meant that Rockefeller had refineries in Brooklyn, Bayonne (NJ), Philadelphia, and Baltimore.

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     In 1879, Standard Oil couldn't own companies outside of Ohio, so three mid-level employees held stock in scores of subsidiary Standard Oil companies outside of Ohio. When these three received dividends, they were distributed to the 37 investors of Standard Oil as "individuals" in amounts proportionate to their holdings in the company. Rockefeller held three times the holdings of Henry Flagler, the co-founder of Standard Oil. So, even though Standard Oil owned the vast majority of refineries/pipelines in the industry, Rockefeller could honestly, under oath, say that Standard Oil didn't own property outside of Ohio. Rockefeller could claim that private individuals in Pennsylvania, New York, Maryland, and New Jersey owned the companies outside of Ohio; technically, the 3 mid-level employees, "trustees" owned the properties, but that makeshift arrangement was only able to last three years.
     In 1881, Pennsylvania tried to tax Standard Oil properties, and Rockefeller feared that other states would follow suit, which would in essence mean that Rockefeller and Standard Oil would be held hostage by state governments. Standard Oil's holdings had reached a point where consolidation had to occur just to keep track of what was going on in the company and to continue to maximize profits. One of Rockefeller's advisers offered a brilliant strategy in which Standard Oil would create a company in each state it wished to do so (e.g. Standard Oil of New Jersey), and these separate companies would need separate boards of directors.

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     Based on that advice, an Executive Committee was created, and the stock of the various Standard Oil companies would be placed in the hands of trustees on that Executive Committee, who would then issue certificates of interest in the Standard Oil Trust estate, which led to being able to distribute dividends. This elaborate "stock swap" would create a union of stockholders which would not be the legally operators of the corporation. On 2 January 1882, the Standard Oil Trust agreement was drafted; the public didn't know about the new arrangement until the Standard Oil Trust emerged spawning an enterprise of $70 million, controlling 90% of the industry's refineries and pipelines.
     It wasn't until six years later, in Congressional Anti-Trust hearings, that all that information was made public. Today, the Standard Oil Trust would be classified as a holding company, but at the time it seemed to be an imaginary entity, wielding infinite power but actually unable to do anything specific. The Standard Oil Trust received stock from Standard Oil of Ohio and 40 other companies; Rockefeller held 1/3 of the trust certificates worth $19 million ($470 million in 2015 dollars). 
     Negotiable securities were created from this arrangement, which meant that many Standard Oil employees would benefit greatly from owning stock, something that Rockefeller encouraged and assisted. By doing so, Rockefeller created a more motivated and closer-knit business culture for Standard Oil, and it also helped that employees received huge capital gains and dividends.

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     In late-1883, Rockefeller started to assemble real estate holdings in Manhattan on Broadway, basically on property where the home of Alexander Hamilton was located. After spending almost one million dollars, Standard Oil moved into their new opulent building on 26 Broadway, the nine story granite building became the world's most famous business address. The relatively-grim exterior gave way to a dignified-yet-understated interior, which mirrored Rockefeller's personality. 
     Rockefeller delegated much and presided lightly and genially over his empire, invisibly asserting his will. In meetings, the quieter Rockefeller was, the larger his presence filled the room, which added to his mystique as an industrial genius. Rockefeller valued internal harmony among his chief executives, and often couched his decisions as suggestions or questions. Rockefeller operated by gaining consensus, rarely making outwardly unilateral decisions, which meant few missteps since every contingency had been analyzed. And somehow, Rockefeller accomplished all this despite the incredibly restrictive interstate laws concerning corporations, in that a corporation could only legally exist in one state.

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     The general trend in big business after the Civil War was from freewheeling competition, to loosely-knit cartels, and then to airtight trusts. Oil prices wildly fluctuated with competition, but with the Standard Oil Trust, prices were stable, due to its enforcement and managerial powers. Rockefeller was at first an entrepreneur when he entered the oil refining business, but as the landscape changed, Rockefeller became a managing genius; Rockefeller basically anticipated the climate change in big business.
     Since Rockefeller never owned more than 1/3 of Standard Oil, he needed the cooperation of other people. Rockefeller understood that he needed to submerge himself in the complex layers of the Standard Oil Trust. The Standard Oil Trust introduced economies-of-scale that were impossible before 1882. Also, the quality of kerosene was improved, by-products were introduced, and costs across-the-board were cut.


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    It was the Executive Committee that made all of that possible; they represented the 40+ companies that made up the Standard Oil Trust. Below the Executive Committee were specialized committees in such areas as pipelines, research-and-development, and efficiency (e.g. shutting down refineries), and incentives were created so the specialized committees actually competed against each other within the Standard Oil Trust. Rockefeller was always happy to purchase Standard Oil Trust Certificates from those willing to sell in that intra-competitive atmosphere.
​     Once Rockefeller made a decision on a specific goal, he pursued achieving it with all his skill, patience, and acumen. However, once Rockefeller made that decision, he was impervious and deaf to criticism, much like a rocket that could only keep going higher, never turning back as long as it still had fuel to burn.

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Richard Nixon and the Election of 1968

11/2/2016

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             Source: Evan Thomas. Being Nixon: A Man Divided (2015)
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​    On 2 February 1968, Richard Nixon launched his campaign for President at the last possible moment, with the New Hampshire primary only a month away, planning on much more organization and sophistication compared to his run in 1960. Nixon was already planning on going to Moscow and Peking (Beijing) after being elected President to create "leverage" against North Vietnam in order to get them to meaningfully negotiate an end to the war. 
   
​     Powerful political columnists such as James Reston hailed the "New Nixon", who seemed calm and reasonable, a welcome contrast to the tumultuous LBJ. Nixon won the New Hampshire Republican primary with 80% of the vote . . . then Robert Kennedy announced his candidacy for the Democratic nomination in mid-March. A gloom was cast over the Nixon campaign, since the Kennedy dirty tricks with Dick Tuck would resume. H.R. Haldeman and John Ehrlichman, Nixon's top campaign advisers, wanted permission from Nixon to find someone, a "Black Advance Man", to return the favor on RFK. And then on 31 March 1968, a political bombshell: LBJ, in a surprise announcement on national television, stated that he would not run for President in 1968.

     After Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. was assassinated in Memphis (TN) on 4 April 1968, Nixon visited Coretta Scott King . . . but since it was a secret visit, his genuine effort received no attention from the media. So, Nixon resigned himself to preparing to attend MLK, Jr.'s funeral on 9 April 1968 with other high-profile mourners. 
​     After the funeral, Wilt Chamberlain, all 7 ft. 1.25 inches of him, asked Nixon if he was going to march with the others to MLK, Jr.'s burial place. Nixon agreed, and joined in the 3.5 mile procession which included Marlon Brando, Robert Kennedy, and Jackie Robinson. Nixon walked about two blocks, and then told Chamberlain that he had to go to the airport . . . Chamberlain then asked if he could get a ride, also wanting out of the procession at that point.
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​     Less than six years after being declared politically-dead, Nixon was on course to easily grab the Republican nomination. George Romney, the Governor of Michigan, had dropped out, and the liberal Republican Nelson Rockefeller was dithering and going nowhere . . . but the conservative California Governor, Ronald Reagan, was gaining support. Somehow, Nixon came to fear a Rockefeller-Reagan cabal against him for the GOP nomination, even though that was a political impossibility.
     Senator Strom Thurmond (SC), who had switched from a Democrat to a Republican in 1964 (and who would serve in the Senate the longest in US History) had organized a huge bloc of Southern delegates for the Republican National Convention. Thurmond actually had the gall to "audition" the GOP candidates to see if they "deserved" his support, and that of the delegates. Nixon knew he had to deal with the very powerful conservative Senator, but he wasn't going to backtrack on Civil Rights. While Nixon was in a car with Thurmond, Nixon finally asked Thurmond what he wanted. Nixon was extremely relieved to hear that Thurmond wanted Nixon to remain stout against Communism. Thurmond threw his support behind Nixon, believing him to be the most electable option in the Republican Party against the Democrats in 1968.
    
​     Then another horrible event occurred on 4 June 1968, when RFK was assassinated after winning the California Democratic primary . . . although he had many legitimate reasons for not attending the funeral, Nixon went anyway . . . if nothing else, to be seen with the other high-profile mourners. 
     Nixon's choice of Spiro Agnew, the first term Governor of Maryland, as his Vice-Presidential running mate surprised almost everyone. Nixon took particular delight in "stealing" Agnew from Rockefeller (he would soon "steal" Henry Kissinger as well). Nixon understood Agnew's appeal to what he would eventually call the Silent Majority of Americans that were turned-off by the liberal media. Nixon's plan in 1968 was to appeal to the voters that were tired of all the tumult of the late-1960s, who at the time he referred to as the "Silent Center".

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     The loud-and-angry voice of the Election of 1968 belonged to the Governor of Alabama,
George Wallace, who ran as an Independent candidate. With a gleeful snarl, Wallace portrayed himself as the defender of ordinary Americans. Wallace was so keyed-up attacking the Establishment and "Them", that Nixon could portray himself as the much safer, saner candidate, yet Nixon subtly played on voter fears of lawlessness and disorder.
    
​     Nixon was indeed much more calm and seasoned, not only compared to Wallace, but also to the 1960 and 1962 Nixon. Even so, Nixon wanted a good "political packager" to smooth over any of his remaining personal/political rough spots. In early-January 1968, Nixon was a guest on the Mike Douglas Show, which aired in the afternoon, and whose main viewers were housewives. It was there that Nixon met the show's producer, Roger Ailes, who would become the mastermind of Nixon's media persona to America (the 1969 bestseller The Selling of the President by Joe McGinniss portrayed Ailes as a Svengali-like figure). 
     Nixon was smart enough to know that he didn't come across very well on television, and that he needed help. Ailes produced a series of televised "Citizen Forums" for Nixon, who this time had proper makeup, friendly audiences, and an isolated media (they were located in a separate area) . . . the Nixon campaign absolutely loved the forums.

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​     The "New Nixon" had made some gains with the Establishment media, but he knew it would only be temporary, since their anti-Nixon bias was too deeply rooted, and an increasing number of reporters were liberal. 
     Political spying is as old as politics; campaigns spy on other campaigns. Dirty tricks are also a hallowed-yet-disreputable tradition, and after suffering from a myrad of Kennedy dirty tricks from 1960 and 1962, the Nixon campaign of 1968 decided to declare all-out war against the Democrats, including covert shenanigans.
    
​     Ehrlichman was worried that Nixon's bravery with hostile crowds could backfire. After the disastrous Democratic National Convention in Chicago in August 1968, Nixon was up 12% over
Hubert Humphrey. Nixon, not even quite a week after the violence and chaos, appeared in a motorcade in downtown Chicago with 400,000 cheering for him. Ironically, Nixon was greeted respectfully by Mayor Daley, who Nixon believed had stolen Illinois and 27 Electoral Votes from him in the Election of 1960.

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​     By mid-September 1968, Nixon was up 15% on Humphrey, but in October Humphrey made a comeback as angry blue-collar voters "came back home" to the Democrats. Also in October, Nixon was privy to information that President Lyndon Johnson was making serious progress towards peace talks with North Vietnam. To Nixon, that was the ultimate dirty trick, using national security to help LBJ's man, Vice-President Humphrey, win the election. 
     To Nixon, the nightmare of 1960 was happening all over again; another Presidential Election was being stolen from him. Nixon wasn't going to tolerate it this time, and to him, fighting back with dirty tricks and shenanigans was the only way to respond . . . 

      Richard Nixon: The Election of 1968 continued . . . 

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