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General Douglas MacArthur & the Korean War, Part Two

1/14/2017

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                 Source: David Halberstam. The Fifties (1997)
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​      Even as General Douglas MacArthur was promising Truman (at their meeting at Wake Island), that he could easily defeat any Chinese army that showed itself south of the Yalu River, the Chinese Fourth Field Army was entering North Korea. The Chinese Fourth was one of the greatest infantry forces of the era, despite being short hardware and heavy on peasants. Mao Tse-Tung's Fourth prevailed over Chiang Kai-Shek's more powerful military, despite having to move almost entirely on foot without modern communications technology. The Fourth's attacks were coordinated by bugle calls, which had the added dimension of terrorizing the enemy.
     The Chinese Fourth Field Army moved 286 miles in 18 days to their assembly point on the Yalu River, with each soldier only carrying 8 - 10 lbs. of supplies/weapons (a US soldier carried at least 60 lbs.). The Fourth was outfitted for the upcoming winter, and they were trained in particular for close-combat since the soldiers weren't marksmen, a method which usually led to very high casualties. The Fourth was divided into 6 armies of 30,000 each, and the Fourth started to cross the Yalu on 13 October 1950. The camouflage/movement of the Fourth was so good, and MacArthur's intelligence so bad, that none of their movements were detected by US forces. When MacArthur made his boast to Truman on Wake Island, there were already at least 130,000 Chinese soldiers in North Korea.

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​      As the Chinese and US forces drew closer to each other on the southern side of the Yalu, MacArthur disobeyed orders which wanted him to stay south of the Yalu and only engage the North Korean army. In Tokyo, MacArthur ordered the US (and the token U.N.) forces to converge near the Yalu, and then told the US press that the war in Korea was for all practical purposes over. But nobody on the American side knew to where the North Korean army had escaped. On 24 October 1950, MacArthur clearly violated his orders by moving further north, and the powers-that-be in D.C. were absolutely stunned. 
     Despite taking Chinese prisoners, MacArthur had convinced himself into believing that he hadn't encountered any Chinese opposition. On 30 October 1950, MacArthur received clear intelligence that Chinese troops were in-country, but MacArthur dismissed the message as irrelevant. On 1 November 1950, a unit of the Chinese Fourth hit the US Army with full fury for the first time. The Chinese attack simply didn't stop, with wave-after-wave of Chinese soldiers attacking US positions . . . and then there were the Chinese bugle calls, ordering those repeated charges.
     In the face of this Chinese offensive, MacArthur continued to give orders to push further north, despite his men not being properly outfitted for winter. MacArthur remained in Tokyo, refusing to accept evidence that the war in Korea had drastically changed, none of which surprised MacArthur's peers. To the growing despair/frustration of his field commanders, MacArthur wouldn't allow for adjustments . . . MacArthur didn't want the Chinese to enter North Korea, so in his mind they simply hadn't done so.

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​     On 3 November 1950, Truman started to get worried over reports of US losses in Korea. Also by that date, MacArthur finally admitted that there just might be a Chinese presence in North Korea, and once again exceeded his orders, this time ordering the bombing of the North Korean end of the 12 bridges that crossed the Yalu River. MacArthur sent a cable saying that if he didn't bomb the bridges, all would be lost, and he would refuse to accept responsibility for that possible outcome. Instead of denying China had invaded North Korea, now MacArthur was promising a slaughter of his own men. What MacArthur had claimed would never occur under his command was happening, and MacArthur made no effort to apologize or explain. 
     MacArthur had become more arrogant and volatile than at any previous point in his military career, and the Joint Chiefs of Staff caved, allowing MacArthur to bomb the 12 bridges. Bombing the bridges on the Yalu provided the clearest possible provocation from the Chinese point-of-view, and was a useless action in any event since the Yalu would totally freeze-over in just a few weeks. In Washington, D.C., Truman, Under Secretary of State Dean Acheson, and Secretary of State George Marshall felt that events in Korea were slipping beyond their control. Acheson later wrote that they had stood by like frightened rabbits while MacArthur ran amuck. On 17 November 1950, MacArthur told his superiors in the federal government and military that he was ready to make his final approach to the Yalu River. MacArthur was ordered to only take the high ground overlooking the Yalu River Valley and to go no further. 
     MacArthur, due to his arrogance, foolishness, and vainglory was about to turn a small-scale war into a much larger conflict, as well as adding two years to the Korean War. MacArthur's actions also fed the monster in the US in terms of paranoia towards internal subversion, and would also poison US/Chinese relations for many years.

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     MacArthur thought only 30,000 Chinese troops were near the Yalu River, but the total was closer to 300,000. On 24 November 1950, MacArthur arrived at the front, wanting to see the results of his genius. MacArthur toured the lines, and then returned to Tokyo, somehow satisfied with what he saw. The US offensive to the Yalu started on 24 November 1950 in wind chills of minus 20-30 degrees. On 25 November 1950, the Chinese counterattacked, terrorizing US lines with a much larger version of the North Korean army (the Min Gun), and by 28 November 1950 it was clear that MacArthur had been outsmarted/out-executed by his Chinese counterparts, and that MacArthur's grand strategy was an epic disaster. Now the question was how many US soldiers and Marines could escape the Chinese attack.
     The Chinese held all the high ground, cutting to pieces the retreating US forces below in the Yalu River Valley. It proved to be a killer gauntlet for over six miles, with approximately 3000 men KIA, WIA, or MIA, and it was quite simply a miracle that the losses weren't worse.
During December 1950, the US losses were just as costly and ghastly, with the US 8th Army falling apart like the
French in 1940, and the British in Singapore in 1942. It seemed that MacArthur had forced two choices on Truman: victory in a very costly war or a complete route at the hands of the Chinese.
     Truman and his administration were fighting for their very legitimacy, and at the Pentagon, the spectre of another Dunkirk hung in the air. The Joint Chiefs of Staff were paralyzed under the never-ending barrage of bad news from Korea; the JCS no longer trusted MacArthur, but they were simply afraid to stand up to him. Finally,
Matthew Ridgway, the Army Vice Chief of Staff, demanded to know why MacArthur couldn't be removed . . . it was as if a light bulb was turned on over the heads of the JCS, and the collision course was set.

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     By early-December 1950, the Chinese took the North Korean capital of Pyongyang. What actually saved the US/UN forces was a fluke: General Walton Walker was killed in a jeep accident. Walker had proven to be a liability as a field commander, and General Matt Ridgway was placed in command of the US 8th Army. Ridgway was simply a ringer, arguably the preeminent American solder of the 20th Century. Ridgway saw the military as a calling, and was more committed to his Army and nation than the vast majority of high-ranking officers in the US military. Ridgway had commanded the 82nd Airborne in WW II, and became a great combat commander at the division level before he was promoted to a corps commander.
     Ridgway was appalled at MacArthur's remoteness from the battlefields as he toured the front lines, the overall lack of commanders among the men, as well as the lack of daily intelligence reports due to minimal patrolling. The Army had completely lost confidence and its morale was at the bottom of an abyss. The US soldiers were poorly equipped, and depended far too much on vehicles in fighting an enemy that was on foot. Ridgway's #1 job was to restore morale and confidence; at the same time, Ridgway strengthened US forces around Pusan, making sure the 8th Army wouldn't be driven into the sea. 
     Ridgway was everywhere, and no unit, no matter how small, was immune from a visit. Ridgway worked on taking ground from the enemy a little at a time, which at least in part was designed to strengthen the American negotiating position when it came time for serious peace talks. As Ridgway was accomplishing the impossible, MacArthur was sending cables stating that unless the US widened the war, the US would be pushed out of the Korean peninsula.

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​      By mid-January 1951, Truman started receiving positive reports about Ridgway's efforts, and it became clear to Truman, SecState Marshall, and the #1 ranking general in the Army,
Omar Bradley, that Ridgway was the difference . . . but in Korea, Ridgway was the exception. Ridgway turned the tide of the Korean War like no other general in no other war, and unsurprisingly, the more Ridgway succeeded, the more difficult MacArthur became. MacArthur started to give press conferences stating that the only way true victory could be claimed was by unifying all of Korea, and that limited war was unacceptable. Top British military leaders were convinced that MacArthur wanted a war with China. General Bradley saw that as well, believing that MacArthur had been humiliated by the Red Chinese and wanted revenge to regain his lost honor.
     It was true: MacArthur desperately wanted overwhelming military victories against the Chinese generals that had humiliated him on the global stage. It didn't seem to matter to MacArthur that his pursuit of reclaiming his "lost honor" could bring about WW III. Truman wanted to make an announcement that he would officially pursue a cease-fire in Korea on 24 March 1951, but MacArthur preempted Truman, making his own announcement which taunted the Chinese, labeling them a "defeated army". MacArthur's announcement wasn't only an insult the Chinese, but also a slap to the face of his Commander-in-Chief.

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     It was at that point that Truman made the decision to remove General Douglas MacArthur from his command. The final nail in MacArthur's coffin (he was a political klutz) was the letter he sent to Joe Martin, the (Far Right) Republican House Minority Leader, declaring that Chiang Kai-Shek, basically marooned in Taiwan, should get involved to increase the chances of total victory. MacArthur almost certainly had to know that Martin would widely release the contents of the letter. 
     Truman was advised that firing MacArthur would lead to the greatest political battle of his administration. As a result, Truman tried to play nice, sending a personal emissary to MacArthur, but of course, word leaked out, and MacArthur heard news of Truman's intentions on a radio broadcast. MacArthur told Ridgway, who was going to replace him, that Truman was mentally unstable. In the U.S., everyone had an opinion on "Truman v. MacArthur", and most everyone was emotional and very vocal (fights in bars were common, and fights among friends commuting on trains often occurred). 
     It was to that outpouring of emotion that MacArthur returned to America. Starting in Tokyo, then Hawaii, and then in the continental US, MacArthur's farewell tour didn't seem to have an end. MacArthur, the victimized narcissist, was in rare form even before his address to a Joint Session of Congress. The response to MacArthur's Farewell Address was split among party lines, with Republicans seeing a wronged great military leader, and Democrats seeing an out-of-control egotist/poser. Truman's comment regarding MacArthur's Farewell Address: "It was nothing but a bunch of damn b*%$@$*t".




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General Douglas MacArthur & the Korean War, Part One

1/2/2017

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                       Source: David Halberstam. The Fifties (1997)
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     General Douglas MacArthur was 70 years old in 1950, a towering figure that had worked hard to create/perpetuate his own legend. As President Harry Truman expected, MacArthur hungered for the White House, but he was a political klutz. MacArthur was the darling of the Republican Conservative Right Wing, and he corresponded regularly (and indiscreetly) with many of the of the Right Wingers . . . the "Lunatic Fringe" was all-in with MacArthur.
     MacArthur was an expert in editing/adjusting information from the theater of his command for his own benefit and image. General Dwight Eisenhower
thought a younger, more with-it commander was necessary as the early stages of the Korean War unfolded. Eisenhower and others saw potential trouble ahead with MacArthur, a general that felt that he was basically "untouchable". MacArthur believed that he was on a holy mission against evil Communists, and was at the summit of one of the most glorious military careers in U.S. History.

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     Arthur MacArthur modeled extreme egotism, something his son Douglas emulated as well.
MacArthur's mother, Pinky, actually moved nearby to West Point during MacArthur's time there, and constantly interfered/dominated, even with the women her son was seeing. Pinky was also a pain-in-the-butt advocate for her son's advancement. At age 38, MacArthur became the youngest division commander in the US Army, but he was already paranoid about Army HQ not seeing the magic that was him . . . MacArthur badly wanted the Medal of Honor, which his father was awarded at age 18 during the Civil War. 
     In 1930, MacArthur became the Chief of Staff for the Army after a good deal of wheeling and dealing on his part, as well as Pinky's. MacArthur was a complete narcissist as well as brilliant, talented petulant, manipulative, theatrical, political, and given to wild mood swings. MacArthur's favorite pronoun was the 1st Person. MacArthur didn't share glory with subordinate commanders, and made sure that Army HQ gave him full credit for victories that occurred under his overall command. 
     MacArthur once commented to another general that he couldn't understand why Ike (Eisenhower) gave credit and publicity to Generals Omar Bradley and George Patton during World War II. Like other narcissists, MacArthur idealized his life and his role in it, and if he made a mistake, he refused to admit it and take responsibility. Blame was directed to rivals suspected of targeting MacArthur for a downfall: an example - the grossly unprepared US troops that first arrived at South Korea under his command was the fault of the Pentagon.

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​     MacArthur was obsessed with appearance, especially to the degree it enhanced his myth. MacArthur was addicted to publicity/fame, and he went nowhere without his entourage of journalists and photographers. It was virtually impossible to take a photograph of MacArthur
when he wasn't posing. By 1950 (like George Washington), MacArthur needed glasses, but he wouldn't let anyone know that he needed them. 
     All that being said, MacArthur took an under-strength US Army in the Pacific in 1942 with little air and naval support, and charted a course of great military strategic originality. MacArthur rarely attacked Japan where they were strong, instead striking Japan on smaller islands where their defenses were weaker. MacArthur understood that the days of large frontal assaults (as in WW I) were over. MacArthur used air power to great effect, taking island that would be strategically significant then-or-later. 
     No general in WW II used airpower better than MacArthur; he seemed to have a sixth sense of what Japan would do, and when they would do it. As a result of his successes using airpower, MacArthur had an exaggerated sens of the usefulness/impact of air strikes, of which he would pay a steep dearly during the Korean War.

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     After WW II, MacArthur served as the Viceroy of Japan for five years. Japan needed to worship the man that conquered them, and MacArthur needed to be worshiped. MacArthur, unlike other US Army generals stationed in Asia, had no experts that could keep him up-to-date on changes in Asia. MacArthur's
Victorian mind simply couldn't see (or comprehend) the revolution taking place against colonialism, particularly in China . . . the China that MacArthur felt he knew so well no longer existed.
    During August 1950, the tide at Pusan began to turn. The US position grew stronger, and the North Korean army was figuratively/literally running out of gas, as well as men and ammunition. And that was the moment for which General MacArthur had been waiting; the general had been waiting for a chance for an amphibious assault behind the North Korean line.
     This time, North Korea would be unprepared, since the vast majority of their army was well past the 38th Parallel. MacArthur would then move East-and-North to entrap the North Korean army. MacArthur even had a location selected, Inchon, the great natural port on the west coast of South Korea. To MacArthur, it was a no-brainer: North Korea would either have to pullout or surrender.

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​     But hardly anyone agreed with MacArthur when it came to his plan at Inchon. The Navy thought the plan was impossible since there wasn't a natural beach; one sunken ship could block the entire harbor. Also, the tides were terrible, up to 32 feet, and there would only be three dates in the next 2 months where the tides would be suitable for large ships: 15 & 27 September and 11 October 1950. To the Navy, Inchon was a whole list of amphibious "don'ts", and to complicate matters even further, the USSR had helped North Korea mine the harbor (at the time Inchon was the most heavily-mined harbor in the world).
     But MacArthur was adamant, seeing Inchon as the way to avoid a "meatgrinder" of a war out of Pusan. On 23 August 1950, the critical meeting occurred concerning Inchon, where two members of the Joint Chiefs tried to talk MacArthur out of his plan . . . but MacArthur got his way. In September 1950, US Marines landed on Wolni, a small island guarding the mouth of Inchon harbor; 13,000 Marines poured on to the island and faced minimal resistance. For those US (technically United Nations) forces, it was a race to Seoul to trap the North Korean army. Inchon was MacArthur's finest hour; before Inchon, MacArthur was "untouchable", but afterwards, he was a deity. On 26 September 1950, Seoul was taken from North Korea, eleven days after MacArthur's forces landed at Inchon.

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     But MacArthur failed to capture the North Korean army in mass; 40,000+ escaped, and MacArthur pursued the enemy to the 38th Parallel, and then on his own initiative, crossed the border in pursuit. George Kennan had told Truman and other significant figures in the government that China and the USSR would not stand for a US invasion of North Korea. But Truman, after being labeled by Republicans as "soft" on Communism, refused to order MacArthur to slow down or retreat.
     The problem, however, was that no one in the government or military had defined any objective after MacArthur crossed the 38th Parallel, and MacArthur (and most of D.C.) had no idea of the strength of Mao Tse-Tung's forces in China. On the
​7th of October 1950, US troops crossed the 38th Parallel, and the next day Mao ordered a massive mobilization towards the Yalu River, the border between North Korea and Manchuria. Finally, Truman was getting nervous, registering signals/warnings from Peking (now Beijing), and also, Truman believed that it was very likely that MacArthur was overextending his forces in his pursuit of the enemy in North Korea.

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     President Truman arranged a meeting with General MacArthur at Wake Island in
mid-October 1950. Truman wasn't looking forward to dealing with MacArthur, who, like almost all egomaniacal narcissists, strutted while sitting down. Truman's poll numbers were very low, and Truman hoped to bask at least a little in the afterglow of Inchon. Truman had ordered MacArthur to leave his entourage behind; Truman wanted the White House press corps to have a monopoly covering the meeting.
     MacArthur went to greet Truman at the President's plane (Truman had serious doubts that MacArthur would do so), and the meeting was basically cordial, but both powerful men were wary of each other. MacArthur belittled the possibility of Chinese intervention, claiming that only 50k to 60k Chinese soldiers at most would cross the Yalu River. MacArthur had spent no time studying Mao's successful tactics against Chiang Kai-Shek's superior forces that resulted in Mao's Communist forces taking over China in 1949. MacArthur still believed that China had a weak army, just as in feudal times. 
     MacArthur was at his best before/during Inchon . . . after China's massive invasion across the Yalu River in late-1950, MacArthur would be at his worst.

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