By the primaries in the Winter/Spring of 1980, Carter was no longer viewed as the Carter of 1976, but rather as an unlikable manipulative DC politician. Reagan’s optimistic nature was a huge obstacle for Carter to overcome with the electorate, so Carter decided to present a vision of the future that would draw a clear contrast to a Reagan Presidency. A major obstacle was that Reagan was a very formidable opponent, not just an optimist.
Reagan didn’t wait long to place the “race card” in that Carter was a Southerner that was liberal on Civil Rights. The issue on which Reagan focused was forced (school) busing, which had become an incredibly contentious issue in cities such as Boston. Jordan warned Carter that his Southern base would become shaky when the average Southern voter realized that Carter was more liberal on social issues than he/she.
Another flash point on which Reagan took advantage was affirmative action, which was a clash between overriding racial discrimination versus rewarding individual merit, which pitted two of Carter’s support groups against each other. African-American supporters of affirmative action were in opposition to white working class voters trying to move up the socioeconomic ladder. In essence what Reagan did was to draw Nixon’s “Silent Majority” into his fold in 1980 away from Carter, who had only partially drawn that huge voting bloc to his corner in 1976.
Reagan didn’t wait long to place the “race card” in that Carter was a Southerner that was liberal on Civil Rights. The issue on which Reagan focused was forced (school) busing, which had become an incredibly contentious issue in cities such as Boston. Jordan warned Carter that his Southern base would become shaky when the average Southern voter realized that Carter was more liberal on social issues than he/she.
Another flash point on which Reagan took advantage was affirmative action, which was a clash between overriding racial discrimination versus rewarding individual merit, which pitted two of Carter’s support groups against each other. African-American supporters of affirmative action were in opposition to white working class voters trying to move up the socioeconomic ladder. In essence what Reagan did was to draw Nixon’s “Silent Majority” into his fold in 1980 away from Carter, who had only partially drawn that huge voting bloc to his corner in 1976.
Bakke v. California involved the Carter administration in that a brief had to be filed as a “friend of the Court”. Carter was in favor of affirmative action, but the proposed brief did not match Carter’s stance. That brief was written by a conservative holdover from the Nixon and Ford administrations and was a strong opponent of affirmative action. Of course the brief was leaked to the press, and of course all political hell broke loose. African-American pro-affirmative action groups told Carter that if the Supreme Court ruled against affirmative action it would be the equal of the Dred Scott Decision.
A brief that Carter approved was submitted to the Court, arguing that race could be a factor in college admissions, but not the only factor. Carter also recommended that the case be sent back to the California courts. The
8 - 1 Supreme Court decision in 1978 in favor of Bakke didn’t really settle the issue in that the eight justices in favor had different points-of-view and justifications; affirmative action to this day remains a political and legal conundrum.
Carter was affected in that yet again nobody was happy with the President on the issue. Civil Rights activists wanted the government to promote opportunities for minorities, while the white middle class believed they were getting squeezed out by government actions that promoted minorities over them. All of that scurrilous hoo-haw undermined Carter’s white support nationwide as well as significant numbers of African-American voters.
A brief that Carter approved was submitted to the Court, arguing that race could be a factor in college admissions, but not the only factor. Carter also recommended that the case be sent back to the California courts. The
8 - 1 Supreme Court decision in 1978 in favor of Bakke didn’t really settle the issue in that the eight justices in favor had different points-of-view and justifications; affirmative action to this day remains a political and legal conundrum.
Carter was affected in that yet again nobody was happy with the President on the issue. Civil Rights activists wanted the government to promote opportunities for minorities, while the white middle class believed they were getting squeezed out by government actions that promoted minorities over them. All of that scurrilous hoo-haw undermined Carter’s white support nationwide as well as significant numbers of African-American voters.
Reagan proclaimed fealty to states rights, which in 1980 was still the Southern code that justified the obstruction of Civil Rights. Added to the mix was the phrase created by the Reagan campaign of the fictitious “Welfare Queen”, which resonated with white voters nationwide. Reagan also used religion against Carter, which resulted in the huge evangelical voting bloc coming into his fold, away from the Southern Baptist Carter. Ironically, Reagan was not religious whereas Carter was extremely so.
Complicating matters on the religious front for Carter was Roe v. Wade (1973) and the resulting “Pro-Life” movement which did not see any acceptable exceptions for abortion. Carter believed the issue was mostly a woman’s choice, but he opposed Medicaid spending for abortions; even so, Carter was directly in the crosshairs of the “Pro-Life” movement.
By 1979, the Reverend Jerry Falwell had created a Political Action Committee (PAC) linked to the “Moral Majority” movement which served as a huge engine linking and mobilizing secular conservatives with conservative evangelicals in support of Reagan. The agenda of Falwell’s PAC even included building the B-1 bomber. Falwell wasn’t nationally-known until 1979, and it was during that year where he took to the airwaves (especially radio) and branded Carter as a traitor to the South, and that the President was no longer a Christian.
Falwell often misquoted Carter in order to shape his agenda, and he only backed off when there was definitive proof (e.g. tapes) that showed Carter said nothing of the sort . . . but the political damage Falwell inflicted on Carter was severe. Reagan saw political opportunity and pounced, embracing the Moral Majority’s agenda. A month before Election Day 1980, Reagan spoke at Falwell’s college in Lynchburg, VA (Liberty University), which in essence cemented the evangelical voting bloc in Reagan’s corner.
Complicating matters on the religious front for Carter was Roe v. Wade (1973) and the resulting “Pro-Life” movement which did not see any acceptable exceptions for abortion. Carter believed the issue was mostly a woman’s choice, but he opposed Medicaid spending for abortions; even so, Carter was directly in the crosshairs of the “Pro-Life” movement.
By 1979, the Reverend Jerry Falwell had created a Political Action Committee (PAC) linked to the “Moral Majority” movement which served as a huge engine linking and mobilizing secular conservatives with conservative evangelicals in support of Reagan. The agenda of Falwell’s PAC even included building the B-1 bomber. Falwell wasn’t nationally-known until 1979, and it was during that year where he took to the airwaves (especially radio) and branded Carter as a traitor to the South, and that the President was no longer a Christian.
Falwell often misquoted Carter in order to shape his agenda, and he only backed off when there was definitive proof (e.g. tapes) that showed Carter said nothing of the sort . . . but the political damage Falwell inflicted on Carter was severe. Reagan saw political opportunity and pounced, embracing the Moral Majority’s agenda. A month before Election Day 1980, Reagan spoke at Falwell’s college in Lynchburg, VA (Liberty University), which in essence cemented the evangelical voting bloc in Reagan’s corner.
In addition to all the forces arrayed against Carter, his brother Billy became an issue. Billy Carter actually decided to cozy up to the Libyan dictator Gadhafi, which became a political nightmare for Carter and a personal tragedy for Billy, who was thirteen years younger. Contrary to his hillbilly appearance, Billy was well-read and very smart, but he was very enabled by his mother (Miss Lilian), and the polar opposite of his very disciplined older brother. Complicating the relationship between the two, Billy never got over the decision that Carter would run the family business instead of him when their father died. After serving in the Marines (when Carter was governor of GA), Billy successfully ran the family business. Billy simply could not stand it that Carter was famous, but on the other hand he lavished in the attention that came his way since his older brother was the President of the United States.
The media swarmed to Plains GA since Billy was great copy, and the spotlight became greater as did Billy’s consumption of alcohol. Billy loved his older brother even though he was jealous, and he campaigned for Carter in the South. However, Billy consistently became a liability to his brother when his efforts were not campaign-related, such as in 1978 when Billy made a highly-publicized trip to Libya with Georgia officials and business leaders eater to make deals with Ghadafi.
To repay the hospitality of the Ghadafi, Billy hosted a delegation of Libyans in Atlanta, and when the media asked why he was doing so, Billy stated that there were far more Arabs than Jews, and that the Jewish media consistently “tore up” Arab nations. Billy also stated that compared to other dictators, at least Ghadafi admitted he sponsored terrorism. Hamilton Jordan was convinced that Billy had a perverse need to hurt his brother, in large part because the family business had been placed in a trust when Carter became President, which meant that Billy was out of a job.
The media swarmed to Plains GA since Billy was great copy, and the spotlight became greater as did Billy’s consumption of alcohol. Billy loved his older brother even though he was jealous, and he campaigned for Carter in the South. However, Billy consistently became a liability to his brother when his efforts were not campaign-related, such as in 1978 when Billy made a highly-publicized trip to Libya with Georgia officials and business leaders eater to make deals with Ghadafi.
To repay the hospitality of the Ghadafi, Billy hosted a delegation of Libyans in Atlanta, and when the media asked why he was doing so, Billy stated that there were far more Arabs than Jews, and that the Jewish media consistently “tore up” Arab nations. Billy also stated that compared to other dictators, at least Ghadafi admitted he sponsored terrorism. Hamilton Jordan was convinced that Billy had a perverse need to hurt his brother, in large part because the family business had been placed in a trust when Carter became President, which meant that Billy was out of a job.
By March 1979, Billy was drinking even more and was admitted to an alcohol abuse center, and on his release he turned is attention back to the Libyans. Once the Iranian Hostage Crisis started, Carter was desperate for anyone of import to get through to Khomeini, which meant even Ghadafi was approached to be an intermediary. Rosalynn suggested that perhaps Billy’s Libyan connections could help, and Zbig agreed, which meant that Billy was going to be put in a situation far above his pay grade and abilities. Billy arranged for some Libyan officials to meet with Zbig at the White House for the first time since long before Carter was President (sidenote: Ghadafi temporarily seized the US Embassy in Tripoli earlier in 1980). The origin of what became known as “Billy-Gate” occurred when the media discovered that Billy was paid $180,000 by Gadhafi. A month before the Election of 1980, Senate investigators cleared Carter and Billy of any wrongdoing, but the damage to Carter was done (Billy died of cancer in 1988 at the age of 51).
The avalanche of disastrous news kept falling on Carter when the Mariel Boatlift Crisis with Fidel Castro occurred, and that human rights dilemma became a political nightmare for Carter in an election year. By the end of May 1980, 94,000 Cubans had landed in the US, mostly in Florida. As a result of the tens of thousands of Cuban refugees landing on US shores, the impression was that Carter had allowed into the US hordes of dangerous illegal immigrants. The Cuban-American community in Florida gave zero credit to Carter for doing the best he could in a no-win situation, and that bloc voted overwhelmingly for Reagan.
The avalanche of disastrous news kept falling on Carter when the Mariel Boatlift Crisis with Fidel Castro occurred, and that human rights dilemma became a political nightmare for Carter in an election year. By the end of May 1980, 94,000 Cubans had landed in the US, mostly in Florida. As a result of the tens of thousands of Cuban refugees landing on US shores, the impression was that Carter had allowed into the US hordes of dangerous illegal immigrants. The Cuban-American community in Florida gave zero credit to Carter for doing the best he could in a no-win situation, and that bloc voted overwhelmingly for Reagan.