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President Jimmy Carter and the Environment, Part One

1/18/2019

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    Source: Stuart E. Eizenstat. President Carter - The White House Years (2018)
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     If measured by acreages preserved and policies enacted, Jimmy Carter was an even greater environmental President than Theodore Roosevelt. It was astonishing how much Carter achieved in terms of the environment in his single term in office. As always, Carter took on entrenched interests and was oblivious to the political costs. Carter was able to do all this by giving industries flexibility to meet new environmental standards using a so-called bubble called “Cap and Trade”, which benefited companies that met/exceeded the new policies.
    Carter’s efforts on the environment occurred at the same time as the environmentalism movement was gaining steam; also in play was Carter’s focus on health and safety, and he was strongly influenced by Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring (1962). On 22 July 1969, chemical discharges in the Cuyahoga River in Cleveland caught fire and burned, which in essence was the spark the environmental movement needed, and the first 
Earth Day occurred on 22 April 1970 (which was modeled after the “Teach-Ins” of the Vietnam Era). Carter understood that the key to gaining public support to further protect the environment was gaining the support of America’s middle class . . . what Carter didn’t understand right away was that powerful vested interests would be obstacles in the way of his environmental goals.

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      During his campaign for President in 1976, Carter made it very clear that he was opposed to the construction of unnecessary dams as well as unnecessary channeling of streams and rivers; Carter’s stand was clear during what became known as the “Water Wars”. Carter stance put him in opposition to the Army Corps of Engineers, who by then had become cozy with Congress and often sugar-coated and distorted the benefits of damming compared to the actual financial/environmental costs; environmental damage was not part of the calculated/predicted costs of the Corps of Engineers. Once construction started on a Corps project, it could not be stopped.
    Carter was about to discover that it had been much easier to stop the damming of the Flint River in Georgia when he was governor that to stop the hundreds of proposed water projects backed by powerful members in Congress. Carter had the initials advantage as his Presidency started in 1977 in that the Democrats had huge majorities in both houses (292 - 143 in the House, and a filibuster-proof 62 - 38 in the Senate).  But Carter dumped a ton of major bills on that friendly (and soon to be, in their opinion, overworked) Congress in a short period of time, and very soon Carter’s political capital started to dwindle; politically during the Water Wars, Carter lost in every conceivable way due to his plan of attack.

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     On 9 December 1976 as President-Elect in a meeting, Carter wanted an energy proposal in 90 days plus he wanted to find ways to cut back on government spending for water resources which meant there was no time to “test the waters” in Congress. Leaks soon occurred about Carter’s water goals, and Congress and the media turned the situation into a deluge. Powerful members of the Old Guard in the House considered water projects to be their province, not the President’s.
    Carter ignored sage advice from among others Vice-President Walter Mondale, and Carter also refused to focus on a few of the most egregious water projects, choosing instead to stand on principle. At best, Carter viewed that option (called Option B) as nothing more than a shot across to bow which wouldn’t accomplish what he wanted. The bitterness of Carter’s initial approach, as with the energy bill, was to be the lasting memory instead of the eventual accomplishments. The initial perception was that Carter had declared war on the Western states, even though there were just as many pending/proposed water projects east of the Mississippi River that were at risk. Carter wanted to end 35 water projects at once instead of focusing on a few in Option B.

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     On 17 February 1977 Carter told those assembled that he wanted a total stop to 35 targeted water projects, not just denying government funding. Carter was advised by virtually every heavy hitter at the meeting, including Mondale, to go with Option B, but Carter stubbornly refused and focused on the death penalty for the 35 water projects. Carter saw doing so as a matter of principle, and the politics be damned. The only softening of Carter’s stance was that the number could be less than 35, but he would select the projects that needed to be stopped in their tracks, which reduced the number to 19 targeted water projects.
    But somebody at the meeting leaked Carter’s goal and the reduced number, and the firestorm started, fed mostly by Carter’s insistence that his strategy remain secret until the official announcement, which in effect denied Congress forewarning and the ability to provide feedback to Carter.  Had Carter applied his cost-benefit analysis to the political costs of his approach compared to the relatively minor fiscal savings of shutting down 19 targeted water projects, he would have realized that he would be the biggest loser . . . but he did not and Carter lost politically, big-time. As that firestorm around the 19 water projects intensified, Carter scrambled to develop a strategy, and just like with his energy plan (which was occurring at the same time), the kind of meeting that Carter should have had in the very beginning involving others with vested interests outside of his administration took place far too late.

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    Out of sheer political necessity, Carter was forced to go to Option B as a strategy to notify the public of what he was trying to accomplish and to pick a public fight with Congress . . . and Carter got what he wanted. More than one staffer wrote that Carter had barreled ahead with considering the political consequences. It did not help matters that Carter wanted to keep a water project alive in Georgia that had the name of the late Senator Richard Russell attached.
    During March 1977, Carter announced that 337 water projects had been reviewed, and 305 had been approved for future funding. That “Hit List” sent shock waves through Congress; in no way did members of both houses believe that local/regional water projects were in the province of the President. Congressman Jim Wright (D; Tx) and  Senator Russell Long (D; La) were apoplectic, and even Senator Edmund Muskie (D; Me), an environmental politician, was all-in protecting a water project in his state. In terms of procedure, members of Congress were right since all the targeted water projects had been properly vetted on multiple fronts.

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    Mondale found himself needing to hold his tongue with his former colleagues in the Senate on the behavior and strategies of the relative political amateurs in the inexperienced Carter administration. Carter eventually (grudgingly) agreed to exempt cuts from already-approved water projects although he firmly believed it was a waste of government spending. In the midst of both the energy and water debacles, there was the reality that Carter had refused to appoint a Chief of Staff; that person would have been invaluable in crafting proper strategies and procedures for the new President.
    Adding to the mounting problems was that Carter, at least early in his Presidency, stubbornly refused to act upon, or sometimes even listen to, good sound political advice from his Circle of Trust. Carter’s view of what should be accomplished as President was in moral terms, and those that didn’t share that view were seen as part of the problem, even corrupt. Carter had jumped into the water with alligators and he as bound-and-determined in the early months of his Presidency to show that he could prevail against the Establishment of his own party . . . 

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Overview: President Jimmy Carter & VP Walter Mondale

1/2/2019

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     Source: Stuart E. Eizenstat. President Carter - The White House Years (2018)
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  Carter's almost almost unyielding principles were his greatest asset as well as his greatest fault. The Founding Fathers devised a system that would incrementally advance, through deliberation and compromise, but Carter tried to solve huge problems with comprehensive solutions without fully considering the political consequences. Carter would break before he would bend as far as his principles were concerned; he believed that politics stopped once he entered the Oval Office, and that decisions as President needed to be made apolitically, on their own merits. 
     To be effective, a President cannot fully break from the politics of the campaign once in office if he wants to build an effective working coalition(s). Carter not only failed to achieve that, he didn't even want to do so. Carter believed that if he did the right things, everything else would work out, including his re-election. Carter was so focused on solving intractable problems that often he came off to the American public as a nagging scold. That was due to 
Carter's focus on solving huge problems rather than zeroing in on future rewards. 
    Many historians and critics have not let Carter off the hook as they have with Truman, Lyndon Johnson, Clinton, and George Herbert Walker Bush; rather, Carter is accused of being an indecisive President, which simply isn't true . . . if anything, Carter was too bold in his initiatives.

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   Carter, like Woodrow Wilson, didn't like to compromise since he (and Wilson) felt that he was in the obvious right. Carter also didn't have the skills to build political bonds to build compromise with those that did not share his vision. Ironically, Carter gained much of what he had envisioned, but in a manner that made it appear that he had caved in to pressure and lost. One reason is that Carter wanted so much change on so many fronts that what was accomplished seemed paltry in comparison. In the process, Carter spent political capital that was needed for other problems. 
     Carter was attacked by the conservative wing of the Democratic Party for being too liberal, and he was attacked by the Democratic Left for being too conservative, which proved to be far more debilitating. Carter had been elected in 1976 in large part due to his status as a Washington, D.C. outsider and to restore confidence in the Presidency. A true liberal Democrat would not have defeated President Gerald Ford in 1976; as a result, Carter never felt comfortable with the Democratic Party, seeing it as an albatross around his neck. Carter opposed waves of government spending to try and curb inflation, which infuriated the liberal and labor wings of the Democrats. 

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     The social, economic, and political upheavals of the 1970s have overshadowed the accomplishments of President Carter; even a shortened list of Carter's achievements outdo single-term Presidents such as Herbert Hoover and (the incredibly underestimated) Bush the Elder, and even JFK. Much of what
President Reagan did was actually extending/enforcing what Carter started, such as controlling inflation, increasing military spending, negotiations to reduce nuclear missiles, and government deregulation. 
    Inexperienced mistakes early in Carter's Presidency have been magnified over time, obscuring accomplishments, as have such events as the Iranian Hostage Crisis. No US soldiers were killed in action on Carter's watch (if one discounts the tragic deaths of 8 US servicemen in Iran in 1980). Carter was very cautious about the US military getting involved until the USSR invaded Afghanistan in 1979; it was Carter, not Reagan, that reversed the trend after Vietnam of decreased military spending. Carter's success rate in getting major legislation passed was 70%, which basically matched LBJ, who was a legislative wizard. Many of those laws positively affected the lives of citizens, such as decreased reliance of oil from the Middle East. And, surprising to most Americans, Carter was the greatest environmental President since Theodore Roosevelt. 

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     Carter also created the modern Vice-Presidency, giving Walter Mondale
unprecedented access and advisory influence, which included moving the VP's office from the Executive Old Office Building (EOB) to the West Wing. Mondale was also granted full access to what Carter saw in terms of documents and intelligence. At the end of his term, Carter was too liberal for the conservatives in the Democratic Party, and too conservative for the liberals. In effect, Carter was President Bill Clinton without Clinton's political and personal skills/traits. Like is idol, Harry Truman, Carter left the White House as an incredibly unpopular President, but history has shown that Truman is remembered for for his accomplishments than his failures/faults, and the same should hold true of Carter.

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  The office of the Vice-President was an afterthought at the Constitutional Convention in 1787, in that the delegates in no way could have predicted the emergence of political parties. Part of Carter's intent to restore trust in the federal government was to elevate the importance of the Vice-President. Carter didn't want the pressure or uncertainty of selecting a VP too late (e.g. for the drama, was was LBJ's wont), so Carter et al vetted VP candidates a full month before the Democratic National Convention in 1976, compiling a list of about 20 candidates. 
   Carter wanted a proven vote-getter and regional balance, but also someone that knew DC and was especially knowledgeable with Congress. The final decisive interviews were conducted by Carter in his hometown of Plains, Georgia. Senator
Frank Church (ID) was in the running until he bragged about being related to Union General    William Tecumseh Sherman, which was not a boast that a person that was truly versed in US History would make to a native Georgian. Carter's selection of VP came down to Senator          Edmund Muskie (ME), a brilliant egomaniac, or Senator Walter Mondale (MN), a political disciple/descendant of Senator Hubert Humphrey.

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     Mondale loved the Senate and initially didn't want to pursue the Vice-Presidency, but he changed his mind after talking to Humphrey. Humphrey told Mondale that he learned more and was more involved as VP than he ever was as a Senator, and that being VP changed him for the better. Humphrey further stated that one never knows what a President goes through unless he is part of the administration; Humphrey gave Mondale the "best-of" aspects of being VP, but he meant what he said. 
     Mondale then set out to basically impress Carter by his actions/preparations, which included becoming thoroughly familiar with what Carter had stated/written as a politician, as well as reading as many articles about Carter as he could find. Mondale set himself apart from his fellow Senators by his efforts, and by doing so, Mondale discovered that Carter was a centrist/conservative Democrat on most matters, while he was a liberal Democrat on most issues. But Mondale also found that he and Carter had much in common as people, such as small town upbringing, religion, and military service (Carter served in the Navy, and Mondale served in the Army in Korea).


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     Carter formed a personal bond with Mondale on the first interview, even though Carter was told by conservative Democrats that if Mondale was VP, Carter would get hell from that wing of the party. While Carter and Mondale connected on multiple fronts, it was their views on Civil Rights that made the biggest impact on Carter. After a break in the first interview, Carter laid the groundwork with Mondale for what would change in the role of VP, in that the VP would be an arm of the Presidency in terms of giving advice, but also in implementing policy, as well as serving as an emissary for the President.
     Before the groundwork was laid out, Mondale flat-out told Carter he was not interested in being a traditional figurehead as VP, and Carter agreed. Carter may have been the first President to not have been worried, or even intimidated, by the presence of the VP around him, since he truly wanted a qualified man to replace him if tragedy came to pass. Carter wanted cooperation beyond the campaign into governing, which meant that Mondale would know what Carter knew, and have full access to information/people . . . and when the VP talked to folks, the President was also talking.


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     Mondale's insistence at being a totally new VP didn't bother Carter, rather he was intrigued and excited at the prospect. Mondale would bring elements of the Democratic Party to vote for Carter that otherwise may not have voted, e.g. labor union members. After the Election of 1976, Carter and Mondale got specific about the role of VP: Mondale wanted to "float" and be available on all fronts as well as being a high-level adviser without interfering with the workings of the Cabinet. Mondale had an 11 page memo prepared about VP responsibilities and he signed it and then sent it to President-Elect Carter; it was Mondale's signature contribution to US History. 
     Mondale argued that the biggest problem with recent administrations was that the President didn't have enough independent advice/analysis. Mondale made it crystal-clear that Carter was President and that he was the loyal elected servant. Carter agreed to all of Mondale's points and added one of his own, offering Mondale an office in the West Wing, which was a complete surprise to Mondale. In fact VP Mondale would have three offices: the West Wing, the EOB, and one on the Senate side of the US Capitol Building. 
VP Mondale had access to the President, to the members in the Executive Branch, and to Congress. ​

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     The downside was that those that gave Carter grief (e.g. Congress) also gave Mondale grief. Mondale showed his true colors when he selected a very modest windowless office as VP in the West Wing, even using a bathroom down the hallway instead of insisting on an attached bathroom for his convenience. Carter assigned major tasks to Mondale from the beginning, such as running point on saving as many Southeast Asian "Boat People" as possible, as well as reforming campaign finance. Mondale declined Carter's offer of also being his de facto Chief of Staff, not wanting administrative duties tying him down (it was a major mistake on Carter's part to not have a Chief of Staff in the first part of his Presidency). 
     Carter, ever frugal, wanted one staff to serve both President and VP, but Mondale convinced Carter that he needed a separate staff, but it would be integrated with the President's staff. Mondale had weekly one-on-one lunches with Carter which lasted about an hour, which allowed both to speak freely in private. Mondale brought points to discuss, and often Carter would listen to what Mondale wanted to focus on instead of steering the conversation to what he wanted. Mondale kept private what was discussed, not wanting to jeopardize the lunches or his VP duties. Carter also invited Mondale to the weekly White House foreign policy breakfasts, and also allowed Mondale to use Camp David on his own.

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