Source: Brenda Wineapple. The Impeachers -
The Trial of Andrew Johnson and the Dream of a Just Nation (2020)
The Trial of Andrew Johnson and the Dream of a Just Nation (2020)
Days after the closing arguments, the Senate went into closed session, where each Senator was given fifteen minutes to summarize his views. Grimes, happy that Schofield was going to be SecWar, stated that Johnson acted within the scope of the TOA. Grimes and two other Republican Senators were going to vote to acquit Johnson, which meant that the defense needed four more Repubican Senators to reach the magic number of 19 (one more than 1/3). A scheduled day to vote was set for 12 May 1868, but the Senate voted to adjourn for four more day, in part to give Senator Jacob Howard (R; MI) a chance to get well enough to enter the chamber and vote.
The impeachers were pessimistic, feeling that if the vote was taken on 12 May 1868, they would have the necessary 2/3’s for removal, but with the delay, they viewed the chances of removing Johnson as fading fast. On 13 May 1868, Johnson was told, by among others, Montgomery Blair, that there were not enough votes to remove the President. Also on that day, Stanton remained barricaded in his office. The backlash against impeachment was growing, and the divisions within the GOP were becoming more fractious. Interestingly, the cabal formed by Chase, with such Senators as James Grimes, formed the basis of what would become the liberal wing of the Republican Party (the end of the Liberal Republicans occurred during the Republican National Convention in Miami in 1968).
Senator Edmund Ross (R: KS) had been sent to Capitol Hill to finish the term of his predecessor who had committed suicide. About the only thing Ross succeeded in accomplishing as a Senator was making bad associations with people. Ross received a telegram from KS which stated that his home state expected him to vote Johnson guilty. On 15 May 1868, several Republican Senators that had previously stated that they would vote Johnson guilty now said they would vote to acquit the President.
The impeachers were pessimistic, feeling that if the vote was taken on 12 May 1868, they would have the necessary 2/3’s for removal, but with the delay, they viewed the chances of removing Johnson as fading fast. On 13 May 1868, Johnson was told, by among others, Montgomery Blair, that there were not enough votes to remove the President. Also on that day, Stanton remained barricaded in his office. The backlash against impeachment was growing, and the divisions within the GOP were becoming more fractious. Interestingly, the cabal formed by Chase, with such Senators as James Grimes, formed the basis of what would become the liberal wing of the Republican Party (the end of the Liberal Republicans occurred during the Republican National Convention in Miami in 1968).
Senator Edmund Ross (R: KS) had been sent to Capitol Hill to finish the term of his predecessor who had committed suicide. About the only thing Ross succeeded in accomplishing as a Senator was making bad associations with people. Ross received a telegram from KS which stated that his home state expected him to vote Johnson guilty. On 15 May 1868, several Republican Senators that had previously stated that they would vote Johnson guilty now said they would vote to acquit the President.
Senator Howard felt well enough to be carried into the Senate chamber on a stretcher, and Senator Roscoe Conklin (R; NY) was also ill, but he was determined to cast his vote nonetheless. Grimes had suffered a paralytic stroke said to be caused by stress, and it was unknown whether he would be present to cast his vote. On 15 May 1868, in a meeting with about half the GOP Senators, Ross indicated he was a solid guilty vote on the 11th article of impeachment, but he also said that he wanted to see another delay in the proceedings, silently hoping that he would not have to vote at all. The 11th article seemed to have the most guilty votes, so the Radical Republican strategy was to vote first on that article. Ross later claimed that he never voiced his vote on the 11th aricle at the GOP meeting, only his desire for a postponement.
Miss Vinnie Ream was a politically connected temptress that had Ross under her spell. Ross boarded at the same house as Ream, and he became an ardent admirer. Despite being charged by KS to convict Johnson, Ross was pressured and convinced by Ream and other ne'er-do-wells to vote to acquit the President. Once Butler was apprised of the shenanigans, he sent a very clear telegram to Ross telling him that he knew what was going on, and that he was expected to vote to convict. Ross vainly kept claiming that he would convict on the 11th article, while hoping the whole deal would just go away. As late as 11:30 pm on the evening before the Senate vote, Ross stated he would convict.; however the person that Ross confided in saw Ream leaving the Senator’s home when he arrived. Ross sent a telegram to KS asserting is right to vote his conscience, and KS responded with a telegram that questioned his motives; in effect, the KS state legislature repudiated Ross in that telegram.
Miss Vinnie Ream was a politically connected temptress that had Ross under her spell. Ross boarded at the same house as Ream, and he became an ardent admirer. Despite being charged by KS to convict Johnson, Ross was pressured and convinced by Ream and other ne'er-do-wells to vote to acquit the President. Once Butler was apprised of the shenanigans, he sent a very clear telegram to Ross telling him that he knew what was going on, and that he was expected to vote to convict. Ross vainly kept claiming that he would convict on the 11th article, while hoping the whole deal would just go away. As late as 11:30 pm on the evening before the Senate vote, Ross stated he would convict.; however the person that Ross confided in saw Ream leaving the Senator’s home when he arrived. Ross sent a telegram to KS asserting is right to vote his conscience, and KS responded with a telegram that questioned his motives; in effect, the KS state legislature repudiated Ross in that telegram.
Before the vote was taken on the 11th article, Grimes appeared in the chamber, being helped to his seat by two men. Ross was among three Republican Senators in which no one really knew how they would vote, but to the top men in the Republican Party, Ross was viewed as a lost cause. Conkling was present and voted to convict, while Grimes, allowed to remain seated to vote by Chase, voted not guilty. So far in the vote there were no surprises, until, in alphabetical order, came Ross, who as far as the vast majority knew was a lock to vote to convict Johnson on the 11th article; when Ross voted not guilty, the gallery sighed in unison. The die was cast, even though ten more articles needed to be voted upon.
Ross rushed to the White House after the vote, with James G. Blaine commenting that the rascal was in a hurry to get his pay from the President. The Senate delayed voting on the other ten article for ten days in order to not be in conflict with the Republican National Convention in Chicago. The Radical Republicans hoped that after the convention the rebellious members of their party would see the light and vote to convict Johnson on at least some of the remaining ten articles. The Radical Republicans were trying their best to get Wade installed as President before the election, which might deny Grant the White House.
Returning to its legislative function, Congress was ready to bring in Arkansas, which would also bring in more Republicans. However, as much as Sumner wanted AR in the Union, he didn’t want to conduct business with Johnson until the final votes for removal/acquittal were completed in the Senate. Sumner saw, with great disdain, that far too many Senators still buzzed around the President, looking for favors.
Ross rushed to the White House after the vote, with James G. Blaine commenting that the rascal was in a hurry to get his pay from the President. The Senate delayed voting on the other ten article for ten days in order to not be in conflict with the Republican National Convention in Chicago. The Radical Republicans hoped that after the convention the rebellious members of their party would see the light and vote to convict Johnson on at least some of the remaining ten articles. The Radical Republicans were trying their best to get Wade installed as President before the election, which might deny Grant the White House.
Returning to its legislative function, Congress was ready to bring in Arkansas, which would also bring in more Republicans. However, as much as Sumner wanted AR in the Union, he didn’t want to conduct business with Johnson until the final votes for removal/acquittal were completed in the Senate. Sumner saw, with great disdain, that far too many Senators still buzzed around the President, looking for favors.
Meanwhile, Butler got busy trying to figure out whether Republican Senators had been bought for their vote acquitting Johnson. Butler was convinced that there must have been pay-offs, bribes, and bullying. The House authorized a subcommittee to investigate, but everyone knew it would be next-to-impossible to prove anything. A correspondent for the Chicago Tribune opined that impeachment failed due to bad articles, lame managers, and doubtful consequences. Many conservative and moderate Republicans believed it was time for the Senate to pull of the stakes and take down the tent in terms of voting on the remaining articles. The Republicans needed to show a unified front in an election year, and removing Johnson would fracture the GOP with Wade in the White House. As the Election of 1868 approached, the odds seemed long that the GOP could rally around Grant in force. John Hay, however, was of the opinion that an impeached-but-still-in-office Johnson would help the GOP and pave the way for Grant to become President. The nomination of Grant at the Republican National Convention, Hay believed, would put out whatever wind was left in the sails of removing Johnson.
On 21 May 1868, Grant was nominated on the first ballot. Wade’s chances at being Grant’s Vice-President were dashed due to the failure to remove Johnson on the 11th article, since he was a Radical Republican and President Pro Tempore of the Senate, and nothing more, with far too many in his own party arrayed against him. Speaker Colfax became Grant’s VP on the fifth ballot, and that ticket would mean more to the nation than the impeachment and attempted removal ever could, and the Democrats could have Johnson for themselves, if they chose. Wade actually took his defeat for VP with grace, warmly and genuinely congratulating Colfax. Johnson, still living in his fantasy land, believed that he could easily defeat Grant, if only the Democrats realized that he was their dream nominee.
On 21 May 1868, Grant was nominated on the first ballot. Wade’s chances at being Grant’s Vice-President were dashed due to the failure to remove Johnson on the 11th article, since he was a Radical Republican and President Pro Tempore of the Senate, and nothing more, with far too many in his own party arrayed against him. Speaker Colfax became Grant’s VP on the fifth ballot, and that ticket would mean more to the nation than the impeachment and attempted removal ever could, and the Democrats could have Johnson for themselves, if they chose. Wade actually took his defeat for VP with grace, warmly and genuinely congratulating Colfax. Johnson, still living in his fantasy land, believed that he could easily defeat Grant, if only the Democrats realized that he was their dream nominee.
The House subcommittee investigating shenanigans with the Senate vote started to get backlash due to its aggressive tactics. The Democrats called it a “Smelling Committee”, and the Republicans wanted the investigation to be over yesterday. But Butler and the subcommittee felt they were on the right track, but they also realized that the odds of proving anything of substance were incredibly long. The day before the final vote was taken in the Senate, Butler delivered a preliminary report, which claimed the subcommittee had a great deal of circumstantial evidence that some Republican Senators had been bribed for the vote of acquittal. Many Republicans believed that the subcommittee might pressure the Senate to censure a member(s), or claim a tainted verdict if they were able to get a Senator(s) to change their vote. Among many others, Stanton waited for the votes on the remaining ten articles, all the while staying in his office.
No one really expected the expected the seven Republican Senators accused of shenanigans to change their votes. The Radical Republicans felt that impeachment was a dead letter in the future, which to them meant that Presidential power to become unchecked. On 26 May 1868, the Senate started to vote on the second and third articles of impeachment, with the vote being 35 - 19 on both, just as it had been on the 11th article. After the vote on the third article, the Senate trial on removing Johnson was adjourned sine die.
No one really expected the expected the seven Republican Senators accused of shenanigans to change their votes. The Radical Republicans felt that impeachment was a dead letter in the future, which to them meant that Presidential power to become unchecked. On 26 May 1868, the Senate started to vote on the second and third articles of impeachment, with the vote being 35 - 19 on both, just as it had been on the 11th article. After the vote on the third article, the Senate trial on removing Johnson was adjourned sine die.
On 11 August 1868, eleven weeks after Johnson was acquitted in the Senate, Thaddeus Stevens died at the age of 76. By sheer willpower, Stevens stayed alive until the impeachment and removal efforts were all over. Stevens was disappointed in Johnson’s acquittal, but he was in no way surprised. Stevens was buried in his native Lancaster (PA).
Ross kept up the narrative that he was being picked on because he was a newcomer/nobody in the Senate, and therefore a convenient scapegoat for Butler to pursue. Ross claimed that he had worked in his “humble” way to keep Wade out of the White House and to get Grant elected President Ross conveniently omitted the fact that he repeatedly went to Johnson for patronage favors after the acquittal, telling Johnson that he owed him since he voted for acquittal. Ross became quite the pest, in that every time Johnson agreed to a request from Ross, the junior Senator from KS came back with another request, and another, and another. Ross was probably trying to get back into the good graces of the KS state legislature by getting as many fellow Kansans as possible into the Executive branch. Ross was frequently irritating in terms of asking the President for favors, but he certainly wasn’t alone in doing so. Ross also defended himself by blasting the motives and tactics of the Radical Republicans.
Meanwhile, Chase was doing his best to convince the Democrats that he was their man for the nomination, arguing that he had never really left the party. and Af/Am suffrage remained stuck in the craw of the nation. Moderate Republicans only wanted to deal with the South on the matter of Af/Am suffrage, and to let it alone in the North. Sumner and the other Radical Republicans viewed Af/Am suffrage as a constitutional issue in need of an amendment. The conservative Republicans simply believed that they had done enough for the former slaves, and that their future was in their own hands.
Ross kept up the narrative that he was being picked on because he was a newcomer/nobody in the Senate, and therefore a convenient scapegoat for Butler to pursue. Ross claimed that he had worked in his “humble” way to keep Wade out of the White House and to get Grant elected President Ross conveniently omitted the fact that he repeatedly went to Johnson for patronage favors after the acquittal, telling Johnson that he owed him since he voted for acquittal. Ross became quite the pest, in that every time Johnson agreed to a request from Ross, the junior Senator from KS came back with another request, and another, and another. Ross was probably trying to get back into the good graces of the KS state legislature by getting as many fellow Kansans as possible into the Executive branch. Ross was frequently irritating in terms of asking the President for favors, but he certainly wasn’t alone in doing so. Ross also defended himself by blasting the motives and tactics of the Radical Republicans.
Meanwhile, Chase was doing his best to convince the Democrats that he was their man for the nomination, arguing that he had never really left the party. and Af/Am suffrage remained stuck in the craw of the nation. Moderate Republicans only wanted to deal with the South on the matter of Af/Am suffrage, and to let it alone in the North. Sumner and the other Radical Republicans viewed Af/Am suffrage as a constitutional issue in need of an amendment. The conservative Republicans simply believed that they had done enough for the former slaves, and that their future was in their own hands.
On 25 February 1869, the House passed a bill that would become the basis of the 15th Amendment. Sumner abstained from voting in the Senate, again arguing that the bill didn’t go far enough, in that a state could find plenty of other ways to disqualify voters. Butler kept up the investigation from the House subcommittee, and in the process he cooled himself out of business with most of his colleagues on Capitol Hill. The Democrats were amused that Butler’s efforts bore so little fruit, and the believed his fixation on Af/Am suffrage would lead to his political ruin.
Johnson badly wanted the Democrats to nominate him for President in 1868, but the Democratic Party’s view was that Johnson proved his disloyalty by being part of the Lincoln administration, cozying up to Seward, and allowing Stanton to remain SecWar. What also turned off the Dems was Johnson’s pathetic attempt to create reinvigorate the National Union Party in order to raid the party’s pantry. Johnson finished second on the first two ballots in the Democratic National Convention in 1868, but on the 22nd ballot, the governor of NY, Horatio Seymour, was nominated. Seymour had supported the draft rioters in NYC in 1863, and he had supported McClellan in 1864. Clemenceau opined that the Democrats had forgotten nothing and learned nothing. By the fall in the Campaign of 1868, the Democrats were experiencing buyer’s remorse with Seymour, realizing far too late that Chase would have been much stronger candidate.
While Grant won an overwhelming victory in the Electoral College, he only garnered .520 of the popular vote, which meant that white men overwhelmingly voted for Seymour. What provided the Electoral cushion for Grant were the 500k+ Af/Am votes he received from the states in the South. Those 500k Af/Am voters refused to be prevented from voting by violence of the threat of violence, with the KKK running point. By 1868 in TN, there were already 40k KKK members, and Nathaniel Bedford Forrest claimed that there were over 500k KKK members throughout the South. Johnson wasn’t idle closing out his time as President, issuing two more blanket amnesty orders to benefit as many Southern white men as possible, including Robert E. Lee and Jefferson Davis, making sure that they could not be charged with treason. Johnson also made sure he had generals that were to his liking in command of the military districts.
Addendum: The Aftermath . . .
Johnson badly wanted the Democrats to nominate him for President in 1868, but the Democratic Party’s view was that Johnson proved his disloyalty by being part of the Lincoln administration, cozying up to Seward, and allowing Stanton to remain SecWar. What also turned off the Dems was Johnson’s pathetic attempt to create reinvigorate the National Union Party in order to raid the party’s pantry. Johnson finished second on the first two ballots in the Democratic National Convention in 1868, but on the 22nd ballot, the governor of NY, Horatio Seymour, was nominated. Seymour had supported the draft rioters in NYC in 1863, and he had supported McClellan in 1864. Clemenceau opined that the Democrats had forgotten nothing and learned nothing. By the fall in the Campaign of 1868, the Democrats were experiencing buyer’s remorse with Seymour, realizing far too late that Chase would have been much stronger candidate.
While Grant won an overwhelming victory in the Electoral College, he only garnered .520 of the popular vote, which meant that white men overwhelmingly voted for Seymour. What provided the Electoral cushion for Grant were the 500k+ Af/Am votes he received from the states in the South. Those 500k Af/Am voters refused to be prevented from voting by violence of the threat of violence, with the KKK running point. By 1868 in TN, there were already 40k KKK members, and Nathaniel Bedford Forrest claimed that there were over 500k KKK members throughout the South. Johnson wasn’t idle closing out his time as President, issuing two more blanket amnesty orders to benefit as many Southern white men as possible, including Robert E. Lee and Jefferson Davis, making sure that they could not be charged with treason. Johnson also made sure he had generals that were to his liking in command of the military districts.
Addendum: The Aftermath . . .