Source: Brenda Wineapple. The Impeachers -
The Trial of Andrew Johnson and the Dream of a Just Nation (2020)
The Trial of Andrew Johnson and the Dream of a Just Nation (2020)
Towards the end of his Presidency, James Buchanan nominated Edwin Stanton to be part of his inner circle as his new Attorney General. It was Stanton that leaked the details about Buchanan’s lackadaisical intentions towards Fort Sumter to William Seward. In doing so, Stanton’s list of enemies increased and intensified, feeling that the new Attorney General was disingenuous, or even duplicitous. Such was the baggage Stanton carried when Lincoln named him Secretary of War, and he became the “Favorite Villain” in Lincoln’s Cabinet. Stanton was “pantherlike” in his pursuit of who he considered to be evildoers. Adding to that level of distrust was that Stanton had switched his party affiliation from Democrat to Republican, and his eventual unwavering support of LIncoln and his policies led Stanton to be labeled a traitor by the Democrats.
It was Secretary of State Seward that recommended Stanton as SecWar in 1862, and once he was at the helm, the War Department actually moved forward. Stanton was a workaholic, a hard-driver, and a learner, reading volumes on warfare. Stanton combined efficiency and his genius, taking control of the Union telegraph lines to make the War Dept. the center-of-all-things communications-wise, which also allowed Lincoln to know what was going on and to issue orders. Stanton therefore was in a position censor information to the public, and he even tried to censor newspapers. When Lincoln suspended habeas corpus (e.g. Baltimore), Stanton was the government figure that ran point. Due to the Assassination of Lincoln and the vicious attack on Seward on 14 April 1865, Stanton in effect became the federal government in the days/weeks that followed. Stanton was viewed as the indispensable man by the Republicans on Capitol Hill, who asked Stanton to stay at his post as SecWar.
It was Secretary of State Seward that recommended Stanton as SecWar in 1862, and once he was at the helm, the War Department actually moved forward. Stanton was a workaholic, a hard-driver, and a learner, reading volumes on warfare. Stanton combined efficiency and his genius, taking control of the Union telegraph lines to make the War Dept. the center-of-all-things communications-wise, which also allowed Lincoln to know what was going on and to issue orders. Stanton therefore was in a position censor information to the public, and he even tried to censor newspapers. When Lincoln suspended habeas corpus (e.g. Baltimore), Stanton was the government figure that ran point. Due to the Assassination of Lincoln and the vicious attack on Seward on 14 April 1865, Stanton in effect became the federal government in the days/weeks that followed. Stanton was viewed as the indispensable man by the Republicans on Capitol Hill, who asked Stanton to stay at his post as SecWar.
Union General William Tecumseh Sherman granted very generous terms to Confederate General Joseph Johnston’s army, calling it a “General Amnesty", which provided terms far too generous for the South in the opinion of the vast majority of Republicans. Sherman, politically naive, thought he was doing the right thing along the lines of what Lincoln would have wanted if he was still alive. At the other end frm Sherman was Charles Sumner, the Radical Republican Senator from MA, wanted African-American suffrage, and to hell with the politics. Stanton was apoplectic with Sherman, and not as gung-ho as Sumner and the Radical Republicans, or as Frederick Douglass. The word “Radical” was meant to be derogatory in nature (e.g. Radical Abolitionists); overall the Radical Republicans wanted to punish the South and to advance Civil Rights for the newly freed slaves.
In the immediate aftermath of Lincoln’s Assassination, Stanton was not yet a Radical Republican, but he did include Af/Am suffrage in his plan for Reconstruction, per Sumner’s urging. President Andrew Johnson refused to call Congress into a Special Session, in no way wanting to reduce the Presidential powers he inherited from Lincoln. Johnson wanted to use that power to frame Reconstruction on his own terms, bypassing Congress. Wealthy Southern whites that believed that Johnson would punish them were proven wrong, and Af/Am’s that thought that the new President would be in their corner were also proven wrong.
On 1 May 1865, Johnson authorized a military trial for the eight accused conspirators that were believed to be in league with John Wilkes Booth. Johnson before that day had already authorized huge cash rewards for the apprehension of former Confederate President Jefferson Davis and other rebel leaders. Johnson defended his decision on a military trial, stating that LIncoln was still in effect the Commander-in-Chief when he was assassinated. Johnson ordered the military trial to be held behind closed doors, and that the press would be told what had occurred at the end of each day, but the decision regarding the press was not carried out.
In the immediate aftermath of Lincoln’s Assassination, Stanton was not yet a Radical Republican, but he did include Af/Am suffrage in his plan for Reconstruction, per Sumner’s urging. President Andrew Johnson refused to call Congress into a Special Session, in no way wanting to reduce the Presidential powers he inherited from Lincoln. Johnson wanted to use that power to frame Reconstruction on his own terms, bypassing Congress. Wealthy Southern whites that believed that Johnson would punish them were proven wrong, and Af/Am’s that thought that the new President would be in their corner were also proven wrong.
On 1 May 1865, Johnson authorized a military trial for the eight accused conspirators that were believed to be in league with John Wilkes Booth. Johnson before that day had already authorized huge cash rewards for the apprehension of former Confederate President Jefferson Davis and other rebel leaders. Johnson defended his decision on a military trial, stating that LIncoln was still in effect the Commander-in-Chief when he was assassinated. Johnson ordered the military trial to be held behind closed doors, and that the press would be told what had occurred at the end of each day, but the decision regarding the press was not carried out.
On 9 May 1865, Johnson had been President for less than a month when on that day he issued an Executive Order restoring Virginia as a loyal state with a Unionist provisional governor. The Radical Republican leader in the House of Representatives, Thaddeus Stevens, worried that Johnson might do so much damage that Congress would have a devil of a time dealing with the President when it convened in December 1865. Stevens told Johnson that Reconstruction was a legislative, not an Executive, matter, and that he should call Congress in for a Special Session. Very soon after that discussion, Johnson issued other Executive Orders that in essence turned back to clock in the South, in favor of Southern whites and at the expense of Af/Am’s. Johnson also forced the Planter class to directly petition him to request a Presidential pardon, wanting the to in essence grovel in his presence. By the end of the Summer of 1865, Johnson had granted nearly 3000 pardons.
Johnson then created a provisional government in North Carolina; the Radical Republican thought Johnson had surrendered to the demands of yet another Southern state and that the President was consolidating power at the expense of Congress . . . but the didn’t know what to do about the situation. Moderate Republicans finally thought Johnson went too far when he created a provisional governments first in Mississippi, and then in South Carolina, all the while ignoring and bypassing an out-of-session Congress. And while Johnson was ignoring Congress, he was also ignoring Af/Am Civil Rights and suffrage.
Johnson then created a provisional government in North Carolina; the Radical Republican thought Johnson had surrendered to the demands of yet another Southern state and that the President was consolidating power at the expense of Congress . . . but the didn’t know what to do about the situation. Moderate Republicans finally thought Johnson went too far when he created a provisional governments first in Mississippi, and then in South Carolina, all the while ignoring and bypassing an out-of-session Congress. And while Johnson was ignoring Congress, he was also ignoring Af/Am Civil Rights and suffrage.
As far as Johnson was concerned, individuals rose up against the nation in the Civil War, states had not. Johnson went further in his argument, saying that those Southern states hadn’t actually seceded since it was against the law, so therefore those states never left the Union, so therefore those states still had their right to sovereignty under the Constitution. In other words, Johnson simply didn’t think there was such thing as Reconstruction. The Radical Republicans, as well as many moderate Republicans, thought Johnson’s position was absurd, even dangerous.
Johnson had an ally in the Cabinet with Secretary of the Navy Gideon Welles, who also wanted quick “readmission” and no Af/am suffrage. SecState Seward, it seemed, had very few allies in the government. The Democrats wanted him out of the Cabinet, placing him at near the same level of villainy as Stanton, and the Radical Republicans distrusted Seward, seeing him as an opportunist and “soft” on the South. When Seward returned to active duty as SecState (after surviving Lewis Powell’s vicious attack), he was a staunch ally of Johnson, and he echoed Johnson’s desire to curb the power of the federal government. In more than one speech, Seward lauded Johnson, while also claiming credit for giving Lincoln the very idea of reconciliation with the South. Seward argued that since Johnson wanted to pursue the same policies as Lincoln, how could anyone argue with Johnson’s policies. The Democrats were convinced that Johnson was being controlled by Seward and Stanton, and many Dems preferred Af/Am suffrage over Presidential tyranny. The Radical Republicans branded Seward a coward, and all the while Johnson was well on his way to alienating the North.
Johnson had an ally in the Cabinet with Secretary of the Navy Gideon Welles, who also wanted quick “readmission” and no Af/am suffrage. SecState Seward, it seemed, had very few allies in the government. The Democrats wanted him out of the Cabinet, placing him at near the same level of villainy as Stanton, and the Radical Republicans distrusted Seward, seeing him as an opportunist and “soft” on the South. When Seward returned to active duty as SecState (after surviving Lewis Powell’s vicious attack), he was a staunch ally of Johnson, and he echoed Johnson’s desire to curb the power of the federal government. In more than one speech, Seward lauded Johnson, while also claiming credit for giving Lincoln the very idea of reconciliation with the South. Seward argued that since Johnson wanted to pursue the same policies as Lincoln, how could anyone argue with Johnson’s policies. The Democrats were convinced that Johnson was being controlled by Seward and Stanton, and many Dems preferred Af/Am suffrage over Presidential tyranny. The Radical Republicans branded Seward a coward, and all the while Johnson was well on his way to alienating the North.
In 1860, Senator Andrew Johnson (D; TN) loudly proclaimed two things. The first was that secession was unconstitutional, so therefore it was impossible for a state to actually leave the Union. The second was that the Constitution protected slavery, including its spread to the territories, so therefore Lincoln and the Republicans had to be restrained and stopped from WITHIN the government. Senator Jefferson Davis (D; MS) shook his head in disgust, and Johnson was branded a traitor to the South.
Johnson produced many ideas to try and find a compromise to avoid Civil War, but to no avail. Johnson was blunt, brash, tenacious, and he believed he represented the Common Man. Johnson was also envious of the wealth and status of the Planter class in the South. Johnson’s politics resonated with millions, in that he was viewed as a “Scrappy Populist” that despised the Plutocrats. Johnson had started to advocate a Homestead Bill as early as 1846, and as late as 1858; even quoting Thomas Jefferson on the merits of expanding agriculture. By April 1861, Johnson’s entire focus was on the Secessionists, in which he branded them as traitors.
Johnson never forgot from where he came, and he was never allowed to forget his past from the Planter class, who constantly reminded Johnson of his apprentice days as a tailor. Johnson was perpetually and extremely sensitive to slights, whether real or imagined. The Planter class were his enemy, but so were the slaves and the Free Blacks whom he considered to be beneath him. Johnson also feared slaves and Free Blacks due to their fierce desire to move up the social, political, and economic ladder, which would then force him down a rung or two. During his formative adult years, in part to show he was a “Real Man”, Johnson bought a slave in 1835. Johnson eventually came to own nine slaves, bragging even when he was President that he had never freed a single one of them.
Johnson always had enemies among the Democrats, including President James Knox Polk. When a gerrymandered district resulted in his failure to be re-elected in the House, Johnson ran for governor in TN and won in the early-1850s, and he won re-election in 1855. In 1857, Johnson was elected to the US Senate (by the TN state legislature). About the only time Johnson didn’t take immediate offense to the smallest of slights was when he was campaigning; the only political charge that truly bothered him was when he was accused of being born a bastard.
Johnson produced many ideas to try and find a compromise to avoid Civil War, but to no avail. Johnson was blunt, brash, tenacious, and he believed he represented the Common Man. Johnson was also envious of the wealth and status of the Planter class in the South. Johnson’s politics resonated with millions, in that he was viewed as a “Scrappy Populist” that despised the Plutocrats. Johnson had started to advocate a Homestead Bill as early as 1846, and as late as 1858; even quoting Thomas Jefferson on the merits of expanding agriculture. By April 1861, Johnson’s entire focus was on the Secessionists, in which he branded them as traitors.
Johnson never forgot from where he came, and he was never allowed to forget his past from the Planter class, who constantly reminded Johnson of his apprentice days as a tailor. Johnson was perpetually and extremely sensitive to slights, whether real or imagined. The Planter class were his enemy, but so were the slaves and the Free Blacks whom he considered to be beneath him. Johnson also feared slaves and Free Blacks due to their fierce desire to move up the social, political, and economic ladder, which would then force him down a rung or two. During his formative adult years, in part to show he was a “Real Man”, Johnson bought a slave in 1835. Johnson eventually came to own nine slaves, bragging even when he was President that he had never freed a single one of them.
Johnson always had enemies among the Democrats, including President James Knox Polk. When a gerrymandered district resulted in his failure to be re-elected in the House, Johnson ran for governor in TN and won in the early-1850s, and he won re-election in 1855. In 1857, Johnson was elected to the US Senate (by the TN state legislature). About the only time Johnson didn’t take immediate offense to the smallest of slights was when he was campaigning; the only political charge that truly bothered him was when he was accused of being born a bastard.
Like Richard Nixon, Andrew Johnson’s passion was the desire, pursuit, and accumulation of power, which was his de facto religion of sorts. When Johnson became President, he remained consistent in the views, but during 1865 - 1869, Johnson’s consistency was not a virtue, or helpful to the nation. On 23 February 1862, Lincoln named Johnson to be the military governor of TN, and his assignment was vague as well as dangerous, since western TN was controlled by rebels. Johnson moved forward promoting Unionism and penalizing rebellion however he could, and as a result he was accused by the rebels of conducting a Reign of Terror. By the Spring of 1862, Johnson wired Lincoln that he had arrested seventy rebels, and he kept wiring the War Dept. for military assistance.
Johnson and other TN Unionists succeeded in getting TN exempted from the Emancipation Proclamation. Even so, Johnson’s rhetoric for slavery had cooled, in that he believed by that point that emancipation and preserving the Union were intertwined. That stance had far more to do with Johnson’s political ambition, knowing that any shot he had at becoming President was by attaching his star to Lincoln. By the Summer of 1863, Senator Johnson was vocally 100% in support of the Emancipation Proclamation, in that he believed that without slavery, the Southern white man would be free from the yoke of the Planter class. That being said, Johnson’s racial animus towards slaves and Free Blacks never wavered or cooled.
As the Election of 1864 approached, Johnson as Lincoln’s VP seemed too good to be true, with even Sumner endorsing Johnson’s bona fides. Lincoln played his cards in a way so that he didn’t have to make an overt powerplay in getting Johnson on the party’s ticket, choosing to work covertly instead. Very overtly, Stevens wondered why the Republicans had to find their VP from a rebel state.
Addendum: President Johnson and Reconstruction -
"Rule By Decree" in the Fall of 1865
Johnson and other TN Unionists succeeded in getting TN exempted from the Emancipation Proclamation. Even so, Johnson’s rhetoric for slavery had cooled, in that he believed by that point that emancipation and preserving the Union were intertwined. That stance had far more to do with Johnson’s political ambition, knowing that any shot he had at becoming President was by attaching his star to Lincoln. By the Summer of 1863, Senator Johnson was vocally 100% in support of the Emancipation Proclamation, in that he believed that without slavery, the Southern white man would be free from the yoke of the Planter class. That being said, Johnson’s racial animus towards slaves and Free Blacks never wavered or cooled.
As the Election of 1864 approached, Johnson as Lincoln’s VP seemed too good to be true, with even Sumner endorsing Johnson’s bona fides. Lincoln played his cards in a way so that he didn’t have to make an overt powerplay in getting Johnson on the party’s ticket, choosing to work covertly instead. Very overtly, Stevens wondered why the Republicans had to find their VP from a rebel state.
Addendum: President Johnson and Reconstruction -
"Rule By Decree" in the Fall of 1865