Source: Doris Kearns Goodwin. Leadership -
Lessons From the Presidents For Turbulent Times (2018)
Lessons From the Presidents For Turbulent Times (2018)
For a decade, LBJ was 100% “Go Fever”, which meant that he hadn’t developed any hobbies or strategies to relax. LBJ’s goal in life was to simply win, however, in his bid to win a Senate seat in Texas in 1941, LBJ lost the election. Lincoln viewed his first defeat in an election as another disappointment to be overcome, and he also saw a silver lining in that those that knew him overwhelmingly voted for him. FDR viewed his first Electoral defeat in 1920 for Vice-President as a great experience. LBJ, however, saw in loss in 1941 as a referendum on his self-worth, a body blow to his political solar plexus. What should have been an obstacle for LBJ to overcome instead became a life-changing ordeal which changed the focus of his ambitions, and started a period of misery in his life.
So then, how did LBJ, despite all of his political and personal advantages, lose the Senate seat that he coveted above all else at that point in his life. As in 1937, it was a death in office that created a special election, this time for the Senate seat in 1941. After meeting with FDR in the White House on 22 April 1941, LBJ announced his candidacy in front of the assembled media. FDR endorsed LBJ, but he made it clear that the decision was up to the voters in Texas, not the President. LBJ made it his mission during his campaign to fuse his political identity to FDR, which had worked well in his first campaign for a seat in the House in 1937. But the three main candidates competing against LBJ in 1941 were political superstars in Texas, including Martin Dies, Jr., and all three were better known and more connected in Texas than LBJ. The vastness of Texas made LBJ’s efforts at making personal connections with voters beyond-daunting, and the short time frame of the campaign ahead of the special election was to LBJ’s disadvantage.
So then, how did LBJ, despite all of his political and personal advantages, lose the Senate seat that he coveted above all else at that point in his life. As in 1937, it was a death in office that created a special election, this time for the Senate seat in 1941. After meeting with FDR in the White House on 22 April 1941, LBJ announced his candidacy in front of the assembled media. FDR endorsed LBJ, but he made it clear that the decision was up to the voters in Texas, not the President. LBJ made it his mission during his campaign to fuse his political identity to FDR, which had worked well in his first campaign for a seat in the House in 1937. But the three main candidates competing against LBJ in 1941 were political superstars in Texas, including Martin Dies, Jr., and all three were better known and more connected in Texas than LBJ. The vastness of Texas made LBJ’s efforts at making personal connections with voters beyond-daunting, and the short time frame of the campaign ahead of the special election was to LBJ’s disadvantage.
Outside of the 10th Congressional District in Texas, LBJ was an unknown, which forced LBJ to speak in formal settings from a stage, which was something that LBJ was not well-suited to do in 1941. LBJ hadn’t yet developed the necessary speaking skills, and crowds started to drift away before he was done speaking at his campaign rallies. The LBJ that could dominate a room or a small group found himself to be an insignificant speck in terms of formally speaking to large crowds. LBJ’s confidence took a further nosedive when polls showed him running trail behind the other three candidates.
LBJ again pushed himself too far and had to be hospitalized, but this time it occurred during the middle of the campaign, not towards the end as in 1937. LBJ did his best to cover up his hospitalization, and while bed-ridden, he decided to change his strategies and tactics. On his return to the hustings, LBJ created a more festive circus-like atmosphere for his speeches, where he spoke less and let voters soak up the atmosphere, recreating what he enjoyed as a participant in the Democratic rallies in Texas a decade earlier. LBJ had enough connections with wealthy and powerful Democrats in Texas to raise quite a bit of money for his campaign. LBJ only spoke when the crowd was sufficiently entertained and stoked, and after he spoke, there was a raffle to keep people in attendance. LBJ’s crowds increased and he rose in the polls, and with a week to go before the election, LBJ had a narrow lead. But the polls were not a true indicator of who would win the election, since corruption and politics was a Texas tradition, and LBJ could not match the other three candidates in terms of shenanigans.
By election day, LBJ was confident of victory, and the early returns only fed his confidence. LBJ made the mistake of releasing the results of his “purchased” (controlled) precincts instead of waiting until the last moment, which gave the other candidates their opening to delay the release of their fraudulent totals, a la Chicago Mayor Richard Daley in 1960. LBJ lost by 1311 votes. As LBJ returned to DC as a Congressman, he feared that he would not be held in the same high regard, and he felt disappointed and embarrassed, especially since he had lost with the support of FDR. LBJ even talked himself into believing that he had lost favor with the White House; even after FDR reached out and met with him, LBJ remained despondent.
LBJ again pushed himself too far and had to be hospitalized, but this time it occurred during the middle of the campaign, not towards the end as in 1937. LBJ did his best to cover up his hospitalization, and while bed-ridden, he decided to change his strategies and tactics. On his return to the hustings, LBJ created a more festive circus-like atmosphere for his speeches, where he spoke less and let voters soak up the atmosphere, recreating what he enjoyed as a participant in the Democratic rallies in Texas a decade earlier. LBJ had enough connections with wealthy and powerful Democrats in Texas to raise quite a bit of money for his campaign. LBJ only spoke when the crowd was sufficiently entertained and stoked, and after he spoke, there was a raffle to keep people in attendance. LBJ’s crowds increased and he rose in the polls, and with a week to go before the election, LBJ had a narrow lead. But the polls were not a true indicator of who would win the election, since corruption and politics was a Texas tradition, and LBJ could not match the other three candidates in terms of shenanigans.
By election day, LBJ was confident of victory, and the early returns only fed his confidence. LBJ made the mistake of releasing the results of his “purchased” (controlled) precincts instead of waiting until the last moment, which gave the other candidates their opening to delay the release of their fraudulent totals, a la Chicago Mayor Richard Daley in 1960. LBJ lost by 1311 votes. As LBJ returned to DC as a Congressman, he feared that he would not be held in the same high regard, and he felt disappointed and embarrassed, especially since he had lost with the support of FDR. LBJ even talked himself into believing that he had lost favor with the White House; even after FDR reached out and met with him, LBJ remained despondent.
LBJ was no longer the “Boy Wonder”, and he no longer saw an unlimited future for himself, since he was now just one of 435 members of Congress. LBJ had no real choice but to remain in Congress, since politics was his life. After Lincoln lost, he regained his footing by practicing law. Theodore Roosevelt used his family’s wealth to become a cowboy in the Badlands, and in the process transforming himself for the better. FDR focused his energies after getting polio on developing the facilities at Warm Springs. All three turned adversity into positive growth in terms of leadership, but LBJ turned inward, and became angry and distrustful, and his temperament darkened. It wasn’t until LBJ had a massive heart attack that he finally turned the corner as the other three had done.
FDR was consumed with other matters, especially World War II, which meant that the President had no time to help an adrift LBJ. It became increasingly clear that LBJ’s personality and temperament were not a good fit in the House. Seniority in the House meant that LBJ’s desire to work harder and to seize opportunities were neutralized; the House was not the place for LBJ, who was in a hurry. LBJ’s fear of dying early exacerbated his sense of urgency, knowing that heart attacks ran in his family. The huge size of the House also made it impossible for LBJ to advance quickly, and LBJ’s lack of oratory skills hampered him as well when he addressed his colleagues from the podium. LBJ still served his constituents, but his ambition was no longer satisfied in doing so.
LBJ was in political purgatory from 1941 to 1948. LBJ had fits of depression, and often took out his frustrations on those around him, which didn't help matters. After a brief stint in the Navy during WW II in 1942, LBJ for the first time started to focus on the acquisition of wealth, and he left the day-to-day details of running his Congressional office to his staffers. Within a decade, LBJ had amassed quite a bit of wealth, largely due to the connections of his in-laws.
FDR was consumed with other matters, especially World War II, which meant that the President had no time to help an adrift LBJ. It became increasingly clear that LBJ’s personality and temperament were not a good fit in the House. Seniority in the House meant that LBJ’s desire to work harder and to seize opportunities were neutralized; the House was not the place for LBJ, who was in a hurry. LBJ’s fear of dying early exacerbated his sense of urgency, knowing that heart attacks ran in his family. The huge size of the House also made it impossible for LBJ to advance quickly, and LBJ’s lack of oratory skills hampered him as well when he addressed his colleagues from the podium. LBJ still served his constituents, but his ambition was no longer satisfied in doing so.
LBJ was in political purgatory from 1941 to 1948. LBJ had fits of depression, and often took out his frustrations on those around him, which didn't help matters. After a brief stint in the Navy during WW II in 1942, LBJ for the first time started to focus on the acquisition of wealth, and he left the day-to-day details of running his Congressional office to his staffers. Within a decade, LBJ had amassed quite a bit of wealth, largely due to the connections of his in-laws.
The cornerstone of his wealth was laid when Lady Bird purchased the obscure Austin radio station KTBC in 1943, which was on the verge of bankruptcy (she used $17,000 from her trust fund). The Federal Communications Commission immediately gave KTBC permission to increase its broadcasting power, allowing 20 hours of programming a day, which in effect crushed the competition. The FCC also allowed KTBC to pursue network affiliations, which led to TV networking and then to real estate transactions, cattle, and purchasing securities. LBJ’s rise in government and his increased wealth were like two twin oaks growing next to each other. What occurred during those years was that LBJ had refocused his priorities from helping others to helping himself. LBJ lost his sense of purpose and mission that had accompanied his drive for power, something that Lincoln, TR, and FDR all had . . . but for the time being, LBJ did not.
In 1948, this me-first version of LBJ once again ran for a Senate seat from Texas. As the state drifted more to the right, so had LBJ, especially after FDR’s death on 12 April 1945. LBJ even went so far as to repudiate the label that he as a “New Dealer” saying to anyone that would listen that government should just get out of the way and let free enterprise do its thing. LBJ (now 40) was beyond-apprehensive for his second run for the Senate, in that there was no safety net this time, since he couldn’t run for the Senate and for re-election in the House. Still, LBJ waited and waited to announce his candidacy, and it wasn’t until LBJ was advised to urge John Connally to run that he finally decided to throw his hat into the ring.
The prohibitive favorite to win the Senate seat in 1948 was the very popular and connected two-time Democratic governor of Texas, Coke Stevenson. The real race was for the Democratic nomination, and it would be based on personalities, and that was where LBJ had an advantage. LBJ campaigned using a helicopter, the first candidate in Texas politics to do so, which in-and-of-itself was an attention getter. LBJ combined fun, hokum, and excitement at his rallies, but also featured sophisticated campaign strategies such as poling, radio ads, and advance men.
In 1948, this me-first version of LBJ once again ran for a Senate seat from Texas. As the state drifted more to the right, so had LBJ, especially after FDR’s death on 12 April 1945. LBJ even went so far as to repudiate the label that he as a “New Dealer” saying to anyone that would listen that government should just get out of the way and let free enterprise do its thing. LBJ (now 40) was beyond-apprehensive for his second run for the Senate, in that there was no safety net this time, since he couldn’t run for the Senate and for re-election in the House. Still, LBJ waited and waited to announce his candidacy, and it wasn’t until LBJ was advised to urge John Connally to run that he finally decided to throw his hat into the ring.
The prohibitive favorite to win the Senate seat in 1948 was the very popular and connected two-time Democratic governor of Texas, Coke Stevenson. The real race was for the Democratic nomination, and it would be based on personalities, and that was where LBJ had an advantage. LBJ campaigned using a helicopter, the first candidate in Texas politics to do so, which in-and-of-itself was an attention getter. LBJ combined fun, hokum, and excitement at his rallies, but also featured sophisticated campaign strategies such as poling, radio ads, and advance men.
On election day, the results were so close that neither LBJ or Stevenson could declare victory, and both held back their “purchased” precinct totals. This time, it was an overconfident Stevenson that released his tallies early, and with an 87 vote final margin, LBJ won the election, and was immediately given the derisive moniker “Landslide Lyndon”. LBJ had gained entry to the Senate which was a perfect fit for his personality, skills, and ambitions. In the Senate, LBJ would be able to do what he did best, deal with colleagues in small groups, or even individually if desired or necessary. It would be in the Senate where LBJ would attach himself to another powerful mentor and to learn everything about the workings of the Senate, and to move up to the upper-echelons of power in the chamber.
LBJ entered the Senate at the perfect time in terms of his skills and abilities making an immediate impact. Gone were the days of oratory in the Senate (e.g. Daniel Webster), since the game was now about behind the scenes deals and getting votes for bills. LBJ quickly figured out that the power in the Senate resided in an informal circle of Conservative Southern Democrats and Conservative Republicans, a coalition that had been formed in opposition to FDR’s Court Packing scheme in 1937. The undisputed leader within that circle was Senator Richard Russell (D; GA), who commanded the respect of all his colleagues. LBJ recognized that Russell was the key Senator that would help him achieve his ambitions. LBJ was not alone in seeing Russell in that manner, but LBJ was unmatched among the freshman Senators in ingratiating himself with Russell in order to be sure that he had “access” to the respected Senate leader.
LBJ entered the Senate at the perfect time in terms of his skills and abilities making an immediate impact. Gone were the days of oratory in the Senate (e.g. Daniel Webster), since the game was now about behind the scenes deals and getting votes for bills. LBJ quickly figured out that the power in the Senate resided in an informal circle of Conservative Southern Democrats and Conservative Republicans, a coalition that had been formed in opposition to FDR’s Court Packing scheme in 1937. The undisputed leader within that circle was Senator Richard Russell (D; GA), who commanded the respect of all his colleagues. LBJ recognized that Russell was the key Senator that would help him achieve his ambitions. LBJ was not alone in seeing Russell in that manner, but LBJ was unmatched among the freshman Senators in ingratiating himself with Russell in order to be sure that he had “access” to the respected Senate leader.
LBJ succeeded in being placed on the Armed Services Committee, since he was a WW II veteran (kind of), and he had been very active in Congress on military matters. While they were very different personalities, both LBJ and Russell were workaholics, and LBJ made sure that he made the same type of connection with Russell that he had made with Rayburn. Russell, like Rayburn, was a bachelor, and LBJ made full use of that fact. LBJ loved, served, respected, and thoroughly exploited both mentors, in that he took advantage of their loneliness. Russell arrived early and left late, wanting company, and LBJ made sure that his hours matched Russell’s hours. The loneliest day for LBJ, Russell, and Rayburn was Sunday, and LBJ made sure he filled that void for both men, for example inviting them for Sunday breakfast and newspapers.
LBJ, an expert in turning an insignificant job into something more, pursued the post of Minority Whip, which was not a position that many Senators pursued since it meant being in essence trapped in the chamber, needing to be focused on counting and gaining votes for a bill. LBJ “beseeched” Russell for the position, and with his mentor’s support, he became the youngest whip in Senate history in 1951. In 1953, LBJ pursued and won the position of Minority Leader for the Democrats in the Senate. LBJ knew that he needed to make an impact right away as Minority Leader, so he changed how committee assignments were doled out. LBJ persuaded Russell and the Circle of Power to allow freshmen Senators one plum committee assignment instead of being relegated to the minor leagues. LBJ argued that doing so would improve the Senate, and in the process LBJ became the political patron saint of the freshmen Senators.
LBJ made sure that he catered to the needs of the senior members of the Senate, showing them lavish respect and doing what he could to assist them in their political endeavors. LBJ intuitively knew that the older a Senator was, the more afraid of humiliation they were, and that they craved more attention. LBJ bent over backwards to shield them from the former, and to provide them the latter in generous doses.
LBJ, an expert in turning an insignificant job into something more, pursued the post of Minority Whip, which was not a position that many Senators pursued since it meant being in essence trapped in the chamber, needing to be focused on counting and gaining votes for a bill. LBJ “beseeched” Russell for the position, and with his mentor’s support, he became the youngest whip in Senate history in 1951. In 1953, LBJ pursued and won the position of Minority Leader for the Democrats in the Senate. LBJ knew that he needed to make an impact right away as Minority Leader, so he changed how committee assignments were doled out. LBJ persuaded Russell and the Circle of Power to allow freshmen Senators one plum committee assignment instead of being relegated to the minor leagues. LBJ argued that doing so would improve the Senate, and in the process LBJ became the political patron saint of the freshmen Senators.
LBJ made sure that he catered to the needs of the senior members of the Senate, showing them lavish respect and doing what he could to assist them in their political endeavors. LBJ intuitively knew that the older a Senator was, the more afraid of humiliation they were, and that they craved more attention. LBJ bent over backwards to shield them from the former, and to provide them the latter in generous doses.