Source: H.W. Brands. Heirs of the Founders (2017)
John Quincy Adams didn’t care much about the 2nd National Bank of the United States, but he did care about Abolitionism. Soon after losing the Election of 1828 to Jackson, JQA was sent to Congress by the 12th District in Massachusetts. It didn’t take long for John C. Calhoun and the South to find out that JQA was their polar opposite, and what both men had in common was their fear of what could happen in the future
One result of the Nat Turner Revolt (1831) in Virginia was that Southern plantation owners cracked down even more on denying education to slaves (Turner probably was better educated that the vast majority of poor Southern whites). Virginia actually debated whether or not to abolish slavery in the aftermath of the Nat Turner Revolt, but the Planters perspective on gaining even more control over the “peculiar institution” won out. Among the restrictions enacted was that Abolitionist propaganda (e.g. William Lloyd Garrison's “The Liberator”) was not allowed in the South, which meant controlling the mail service.
One result of the Nat Turner Revolt (1831) in Virginia was that Southern plantation owners cracked down even more on denying education to slaves (Turner probably was better educated that the vast majority of poor Southern whites). Virginia actually debated whether or not to abolish slavery in the aftermath of the Nat Turner Revolt, but the Planters perspective on gaining even more control over the “peculiar institution” won out. Among the restrictions enacted was that Abolitionist propaganda (e.g. William Lloyd Garrison's “The Liberator”) was not allowed in the South, which meant controlling the mail service.
JQA’s attacks on slavery, in the face of the Gag Rule in the House, provoked more extreme Southern reactions in the chamber. Calhoun led the Southern contingent in Congress, and he encouraged the the entire South to band together in defense, in that Abolitionism and the Union could not coexist. Calhoun asserted that slavery was not a necessary evil, but a positive good, which meant that the South claimed moral parity with the North, and therefore had nothing for which to apologize.
However, Calhoun claimed more than parity, stating that slavery enhanced the stability of Southern society. Therefore, according to Calhoun, the Abolitionists were a major threat to the social structure of the South. Calhoun asserted that the Abolitionists would not stop with emancipation, but would pursue equal rights for the former slaves with Southern whites, which would mean that Southern whites would be at the mercy of their former slaves.
However, Calhoun claimed more than parity, stating that slavery enhanced the stability of Southern society. Therefore, according to Calhoun, the Abolitionists were a major threat to the social structure of the South. Calhoun asserted that the Abolitionists would not stop with emancipation, but would pursue equal rights for the former slaves with Southern whites, which would mean that Southern whites would be at the mercy of their former slaves.
By the Congressional Elections of 1834, the combination of anti-Jackson factions, the National Republicans (of which Clay was part), and the Anti-Masons started to call themselves Whigs. In the Election Year of 1836, the strategy of the Whigs (who weren’t quite yet organized enough to hold a convention) was to have four stout regional candidates that would draw enough Electoral Votes away from MVB, and then win the Presidency in the House of Representatives. Daniel Webster was one of those four, but he only won his home state of MA as the regional candidate of New England. The Whigs learned the hard way that their strategy of “Divide and Conquer” didn’t work when they were a divided and unorganized party.
Martin Van Buren’s Presidency, like Herbert Hoover’s, didn’t take long to sink into the economic abyss; in MVB’s situation, it was the delayed impact of the destruction of the 2nd Nat’l Bank of the US. State banks, especially in the West, had expanded credit far too rapidly, which created a speculative bubble on Western lands, which was a major cause of the Panic of 1837 and the subsequent economic depression. Another cause of the depression was Jackson’s “Specie Circular”, which was an effort to restrain all that speculation by reducing the money supply. Americans turned against MVB in droves, and the Whigs felt that the Election of 1840 should go their way. Clay had spent much of his time since his defeat in 1832 trying to unify and organize the Whigs, and he became an early favorite for the nomination in 1840. Clay’s chances looked very good, in that Webster had not proven to be a national vote-getter in 1836, and former general William Henry Harrison, one of the four Whigs that ran in 1836, didn’t exactly run away and separate himself from the closest two pursuers. A hopeful/cautious Henry Clay, in short, liked his chances for the nomination of the Whigs in 1840.
Martin Van Buren’s Presidency, like Herbert Hoover’s, didn’t take long to sink into the economic abyss; in MVB’s situation, it was the delayed impact of the destruction of the 2nd Nat’l Bank of the US. State banks, especially in the West, had expanded credit far too rapidly, which created a speculative bubble on Western lands, which was a major cause of the Panic of 1837 and the subsequent economic depression. Another cause of the depression was Jackson’s “Specie Circular”, which was an effort to restrain all that speculation by reducing the money supply. Americans turned against MVB in droves, and the Whigs felt that the Election of 1840 should go their way. Clay had spent much of his time since his defeat in 1832 trying to unify and organize the Whigs, and he became an early favorite for the nomination in 1840. Clay’s chances looked very good, in that Webster had not proven to be a national vote-getter in 1836, and former general William Henry Harrison, one of the four Whigs that ran in 1836, didn’t exactly run away and separate himself from the closest two pursuers. A hopeful/cautious Henry Clay, in short, liked his chances for the nomination of the Whigs in 1840.
Clay moved to politically isolate Calhoun as much as possible so he couldn’t be a serious threat. Webster continued to refuse to withdraw as a regional candidate, so Clay next targeted him. However, and unexpected event in 1838 dealt Clay’s hopes for the Whig nomination a serious blow. In Maine’s state elections, the Democrats prevailed soundly over the Whigs, and the resulting conventional wisdom was that the Whigs needed a war hero to get them over the hump in 1840, and the only Whig candidate that fit that bill was William Henry Harrison. Clay rejected out of hand that political diagnosis and prescription, and he suspected Webster as the originator of the web of deceit that threatened his nomination.
Clay had been encouraged by those close to him that he should come out in favor of Abolitionism, but Clay didn’t want to offend either New England or the South. Clay hoped that taking a middle position on emancipation would be favored by a majority of Americans, but there was no guarantee that Clay’s strategy would lead to the nomination he so coveted. As the economic depression continued, the chances of the Whigs being victorious in 1840 increased, and to insure victory, more-and-more Whig leaders started to support the least-controversial candidate, William Henry Harrison (WHH) over Clay.
Clay had been encouraged by those close to him that he should come out in favor of Abolitionism, but Clay didn’t want to offend either New England or the South. Clay hoped that taking a middle position on emancipation would be favored by a majority of Americans, but there was no guarantee that Clay’s strategy would lead to the nomination he so coveted. As the economic depression continued, the chances of the Whigs being victorious in 1840 increased, and to insure victory, more-and-more Whig leaders started to support the least-controversial candidate, William Henry Harrison (WHH) over Clay.
With his political fortunes failing, Clay decided to speak his conscience. Clay identified the radical Abolitionists as the branch of Abolitionism that represented a true threat, stating that the rights of property meant nothing to them, nor did the rule of law. Clay went on, saying that the radical Abolitionists were heedless of any consequences to their actions. The radical Abolitionists by that point had demanded an end slavery in the District of Columbia, and in the Florida Territory, as well as a ban on interstate commerce that involved slaves. The radicals also insisted that Congress bar the entry of any slaves from abroad.
Clay argued that the goal of the radical Abolitionists, if peaceful Abolition wasn’t achieved, was to use violence to emancipate the slaves. To Clay, the radical Abolitionists dreamed of a world that couldn’t possibly exist. As a result of the rhetoric and actions of the radicals, Clay argued that slaves had it worse in the South. Clay mentioned that the radicals believed that they could change the world overnight, but Clay stated that emancipation would take time, but emancipation would come more swiftly and permanently if the movement was led by the federal government.
Clay argued that the goal of the radical Abolitionists, if peaceful Abolition wasn’t achieved, was to use violence to emancipate the slaves. To Clay, the radical Abolitionists dreamed of a world that couldn’t possibly exist. As a result of the rhetoric and actions of the radicals, Clay argued that slaves had it worse in the South. Clay mentioned that the radicals believed that they could change the world overnight, but Clay stated that emancipation would take time, but emancipation would come more swiftly and permanently if the movement was led by the federal government.
Clay now waited to see if he gained support in the South while not losing too much support in the North. Due to the confusion and lack of organization among Whigs, the convention kept getting delayed, which was exactly what WHH wanted. The longer he was able to sit on the political sideline, the better he believed his chances would be to win the nomination. As a result of the delays, Clay felt his support drift away from him and towards WHH, and reluctantly accepted the inevitable, and he endorsed WHH after the former general won the Whig nomination. From JQA’s point of view as a former President, it would take more than the Whigs winning the Election of 1840 to cure what ailed America.
By 1840, candidates for public office had to display a common touch, in that voters expected to be wooed, entertained, and feted upon. In the days of George Washington, the people were willing to defer to their leaders, but now, the people expected their leaders to defer to them. WHH was no commoner, but he allowed himself to be portrayed as such, in what many historians call a “Log Cabin Campaign” (e.g. an artistic depiction of WHH with a dog). 4 March 1841, Inauguration Day: WHH not only didn’t bundle up during the longest-ever Inaugural Address, but at the age of 68, WHH also greeted well-wishers when he was still cold, wet, and shivering, despite being urged by many to at least change his clothes.
William Henry Harrison died of pneumonia and/or fever, or from other complications just one month into his Presidency.
By 1840, candidates for public office had to display a common touch, in that voters expected to be wooed, entertained, and feted upon. In the days of George Washington, the people were willing to defer to their leaders, but now, the people expected their leaders to defer to them. WHH was no commoner, but he allowed himself to be portrayed as such, in what many historians call a “Log Cabin Campaign” (e.g. an artistic depiction of WHH with a dog). 4 March 1841, Inauguration Day: WHH not only didn’t bundle up during the longest-ever Inaugural Address, but at the age of 68, WHH also greeted well-wishers when he was still cold, wet, and shivering, despite being urged by many to at least change his clothes.
William Henry Harrison died of pneumonia and/or fever, or from other complications just one month into his Presidency.
The status of Vice-President John Tyler wasn’t clear, in that the Constitution didn’t exactly specify that the VP would automatically become President due to a death in office. Additionally, none of the Whig leaders intended that Tyler become President. Tyler acted as if he was President since he wielded Executive power, and in acting as President, Tyler became the 10th President of the United States. Webster was WHH’s SecState, and he suggested to Tyler that decisions from the Executive be through the Cabinet, with the President getting one vote. Tyler had none of that, and told Webster and the other members of the Cabinet that other than giving him advice, if they didn’t like following his lead, he would be more than happy to accept their resignations. As a result, relations between Tyler and his Cabinet deteriorated.
Tyler didn’t do very well with the Whig leadership in Congress either. When a new bank bill worked its way through both houses, largely due to the efforts of Clay, Tyler vetoed it, even though it appeared that he had been in favor of the bill. Clay, now the de facto leader of the Whigs in Congress, publicly chastised Tyler, and he bent over backwards to try and convince both houses that Tyler was not a legitimate President.
Tyler didn’t do very well with the Whig leadership in Congress either. When a new bank bill worked its way through both houses, largely due to the efforts of Clay, Tyler vetoed it, even though it appeared that he had been in favor of the bill. Clay, now the de facto leader of the Whigs in Congress, publicly chastised Tyler, and he bent over backwards to try and convince both houses that Tyler was not a legitimate President.