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2c) Rickenbacker: 1916 - 11 November 1918, Part Three

7/15/2026

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      Source: Winston Groom. The Aviators - Eddie Rickenbacker, Jimmy Doolittle, 
                                                Charles Lindbergh, and the Epic Age of Flight (2013)
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     25 September 1918 was Captain Rickenbacker’s first day as the commander of the 94th Aero Pursuit Squadron (the “Hat in the Ring” gang), and he was flying alone above the Meuse River in France over the nightmarish deathscape of Verdun. The 94th had been organized six months prior, but after half-a-year Rickenbacker was just one of three pilots remaining from the original twenty-four. His experience over those six months convinced Rickenbacker that air squadron commanders could not do their job from behind a desk, but by example, which meant sharing the danger with his men. That day was a pivotal day for the US forces in France, in that almost 250k soldiers of the 1st Army were moving into the trenches between Meuse River and the Argonne Forest, getting ready for their part in what would be the greatest Allied offensive of the war. 
     The Germans had raised observation balloons as well as reconnaissance planes, knowing something was in the offing on the Allied side, trying to get specific information about what the Allies were planning. Rickenbacker’s job was to make sure that the Germans didn’t have full reconnaissance capabilities to gather information. Ten days earlier Rickenbacker had earned the title of America’s “Ace of Aces”, having shot down seven German planes in seven months. In Rickenbacker’s opinion, he had earned that dubious title by default, in that the previous pilots that held that honor had all been KIA. 
     Rickenbacker was flying at 3000 feet on a patrol mission in his French Spad XIII, which was a compact single-seat fighter armed with twin Vickers .303 caliber machine guns. In the distant clear blue sky, two German planes appeared, and soon enough Rickenbacker identified them as German LVG scout planes, equipped for taking photographs. Both LVGs were two-seater bi-planes with 7.92 Spandau machine guns, one in front and the other on a swivel in back, which Rickenbacker knew made shooting down even one LVG very difficult. Rickenbacker didn’t hesitate, knowing that if he didn’t attack, the German LVGs would be able to take quality photos of the Allied movements below.
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     Seconds after he started his attack run, Rickenbacker saw five German Fokkers flying above the two LVGs, serving as escorts for the reconnaissance planes. The Fokkers were top-of-the-line fighter planes and were highly maneuverable and deadly. Fokkers were the favorite fighters of the German “Flying Circus”, made famous by the late Red Baron (Manfred von Richthofen), and currently commanded by Hermann Goering. Rickenbacker immediately reversed and climbed to put the sun between him and the enemy planes, which he knew would put him out of their view. Rickenbacker’s luck held, in that none of the seven German pilots noticed him until he was at their “Six O’Clock”. Rickenbacker had placed himself in the perfect position to attack, above and behind all seven German planes, and he dove in a direct line for the nearest Fokker. It didn’t matter to Rickenbacker that he was about to attack seven enemy warplanes all on his own. 
     By the time the German pilots noticed him, it was too late, in that Rickenbacker tore into the formation of the Fokkers blasting his machine gun at the nearest enemy fighter, badly damaging the plane (and probably killing the pilot) where it spiraled out of control and crashed. The four remaining Fokkers actually remained in tight formation, probably stunned at the attack that they believed was impossible, which allowed Rickenbacker to keep diving to attack the LVGs. Rickenbacker’s bold attack so horrified the four Fokker pilots that they turned tail in all directions for self-preservation, understandably assuming that there were other enemy planes in their immediate vicinity. As the two LVGs had started to dive to try and escape, Rickenbacker went after the nearest LVG as the two scout planes split up.

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     Both LVG rear gunners opened fire on Rickenbacker, and at the same time he looked behind and noticed that the four Fokkers were still trying to organize themselves. Rickenbacker dove his Spad below the rear LVG and then sped upwards so he could turn for the kill, but the LVG maneuvered his tail so the rear gunner could keep Rickenbacker in his sights. To make matters worse, the other LVG had got behind Rickenbacker and was firing its forward machine gun. Rickenbacker flew out of range, changing his direction (via a “renversement”), which placed him in a position to attack the first LVG. However, that LVG conducted a similar maneuver, which forced Rickenbacker to change direction again, all the while giving time for the four Fokkers to organize and attack; and all the while Rickenbacker was flying deeper-and-deeper behind German lines. 
     Rickenbacker was in a 6 vs 1 dogfight, and he used all the maneuvers he had learned from French flying school, which in this instance came down to dive, pull-up, zoom-in, and then having to do so again and again between the two LVGs, whose rear gunners kept firing, knowing that the four Fokkers could attack at any moment. Knowing his time was very short, Rickenbacker took immediate advantage of his chance when it occurred, in that the LVGs had strayed from their tight formation, where they were flying parallel about 50 feet apart. For some (still) unexplained reason, one of the LVGs had left the formation to make a run for it, and Rickenbacker lit it up with machine gun fire, where the LVG burst into flames and then plunged towards the ground. 
     Rickenbacker looked over his shoulder and saw the four Fokkers were diving in attack formation, and he knew it was time for him to make his escape. Rickenbacker flew back to safety at full throttle, knowing that he had accomplished his mission of denying the German LVGs from doing their reconnaissance. Interestingly, Rickenbacker’s entire encounter with the seven German planes had taken slightly less than five minutes. In taking on those seven enemy planes on his own and shooting down two, Rickenbacker was later awarded the Medal of Honor, and he remained the US “Ace of Aces” until the Great War ended; he would be celebrated America’s greatest hero of the  Great War. 

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     The very next day, 26 September 1918, was the first day of the Allied Meuse-Argonne Offensive for the US soldiers, and the First Pursuit Squadron (of which the 94th was part) was ordered to shoot down German observation balloons that were located two miles behind the front lines, and 15 miles apart. Both sides used observation balloons, in that they were very useful in getting beforehand and real-time information concerning enemy movements. Those balloons were huge tied-down blimps filled with very flammable hydrogen, floating at around 1500 feet above the ground, where an observer(s) with a telescope could report enemy movements. While vulnerable to incendiary fire (tracer bullets), the hydrogen-filled observation balloons were still very difficult to shoot down, largely due to the heavy morning moisture (dew) on the outside skin of the balloons. 
     After four years of experience in the Great War, anti-aircraft artillery were stationed near the balloons, where the “Archie” (flak) was far more accurate and deadly at 1500 feet. Machine guns were also located underneath the observation balloons, which also were very accurate at that range. A month earlier, Rickenbacker had tried and failed to down an observation balloon, but this time he was determined to do so. The 94th was assigned to down two German observation balloons on 26 September 1918 at the start of the huge Allied counter-offensive, and Rickenbacker assembled five of his best pilots (two groups of three) for the mission. The two units took off at 5:20 am in order to arrive just as the Germans were getting their observation balloons in the air. As the six pilots of the 94th flew to their targets, the massive battle below had started, where they saw tens of thousands of US soldiers (“Doughboys”) moving east.


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     Rickenbacker was not the tip of the spear on this mission, so he wasn’t  involved in the downing of the first German balloon, which literally went down in flames, and then very soon the second German balloon met the same fate. Rickenbacker was both delighted and frustrated, in that the mission was a success but he had missed out on the action, so he headed to where he knew there was another German observation balloon, but when he approached that balloon, it too was going down in flames. So focused had Rickenbacker been on the balloons that he failed to notice that a German Fokker was flying right beside him to his left, and right when Rickenbacker saw him, the German pilot turned and started to fire his machine gun, where Rickenbacker immediately did the same. 
    The two planes were flying and firing directly at each other, but before there was a collision, Rickenbacker maneuvered his fighter (again using a “renversement”) so he was now behind the German, and within seconds he shot down the enemy plane. As Rickenbacker watched the crashing plane, he felt his plane jerk, and then there was a very worrisome non-stop vibration in his engine. Rickenbacker landed at the first Allied airfield he saw, and when he surveyed the damage on his plane he saw that the German pilot’s machine gun fire had badly damaged his propeller; Rickenbacker knew he was very lucky to be alive. The next morning (27 September 1918), Rickenbacker shot down a German observation balloon all on his own, of which he felt great satisfaction. 
     The air battle in the skies over the US sector of the Meuse-Argonne Offensive became savage, which was almost entirely centered around shooting down or defending German observation balloons. The Army brass became very concerned that the Germans were able to replace their observation balloons about as fast as US fighters shot them down, which led Colonel Billy Mitchell to order the First Pursuit Squadron to shoot down more of them faster. Rickenbacker devised a strategy where two fighters would attack an observation balloon while the other US fighters would provide protective cover.
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     Rickenbacker assigned two pilots to shoot down a balloon while he and other pilots of the 94th provided cover. The German balloon wasn’t yet up to full elevation when the large squadron from the 94th arrived, where Rickenbacker noticed that 11 Fokkers were flying below, where he immediately dove and shot down the rear-most enemy fighter. Rickenbacker was amazed to see that  the enemy plane he had shot had leveled-off, and more amazed when he saw the pilot jump out of the plane and deploy a parachute. On the way back to base, Rickenbacker came to the rescue of one of his pilots, shooting down a Fokker before he could do so to his fellow 94th pilot. It would have been a spectacular day for the 94th, but two of their pilots were KIA during that mission. 
     30 October 1918 was a pivotal day during the Meuse-Argonne Offensive, in that the desperate Germans basically threw everything they had in the air, during which Rickenbacker shot down his 26th German plane, which unbeknownst to him would be his last kill of the Great War. After a brief leave in Paris, during the night of 10 November 1918 Rickenbacker was notified of the cease-fire that would take effect the next day at 11 am on the Western Front. Even though orders were to remain on the ground, the next morning (11 November 1918) Rickenbacker took off for the front at 10 am, flying at 500 feet so he could see the soldiers on the Allied side start to celebrate the end of the Great War. Rickenbacker flew far enough east to see German soldiers peaking their heads above their trenches to see if the fighting was really over. Then Rickenbacker thought it best to head back to base in order to avoid any of the celebratory gunfire from US soldiers to accidentally hit him or his plane. 

Here is the (edited) video from "Dogfights" that recreates Rickenbacker's two kills on 25 September 1918 (from which the above screen captures were taken) . . .

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2b) Rickenbacker: 1916 - 11 November 1918, Part Two

7/14/2026

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      Source: Winston Groom. The Aviators - Eddie Rickenbacker, Jimmy Doolittle, 
                                                Charles Lindbergh, and the Epic Age of Flight (2013)
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     By early-Spring 1918, Rickenbacker was assigned to the All-American 94th Aero Pursuit Squadron (the soon-to-be-famous “Hat in the Ring” squadron). The most famous, celebrated, and accomplished fighter pilot in the 94th when Rickenbacker joined was “Ace of Aces” Major Raoul Lufbery, who had shot down 16 German planes. Lufbery was a US citizen who had immigrated to the US when he was 17 years old, but when the Great War started he joined the Lafayette Escadrille, where he became the unit’s best fighter pilot. Many of the Escadrille pilots joined the 94th, and their aerial combat experience proved invaluable. Lufbery was 33 years old, and with his success and experience, was the operations officer for the 94th. Rickenbacker naturally gravitated towards Lufbery, in that most of the pilots of the 94th were Ivy Leaguers, which meant both men were odd-men-out, not part of that clique.
    Part of getting the 94th organized involved creating a unique and recognizable insignia for their fighter planes. It was eventually decided that a stovepipe hat like “Uncle Sam” wore would be used, with a ring around the hat that signified that they were ready to fight. Once the insignias were finished and the 94th started to shoot down Germany planes, the squadron became forever known as the “Hat in the Ring” gang, and they would become the most decorated Allied air squadron of the Great War. On 21 March 1918, Lufbery announced that Rickenbacker would be one of the two new fighter pilots to fly the first combat patrol for the 94th. Rickenbacker flew a Nieuport 28, a French single-seat biplane fighter (160 horsepower, 9 cylinder engine) which was equipped with twin Vickers machine guns (the 94th had 25 Nieuport 28s). The engine of that model of fighter spun with the propeller (a “rotary” engine), which created a gyroscopic effect where the plane could turn “on a dime”. 
     The 94th had to fly French planes in that much to Colonel Billy Mitchell’s frustration and consternation (as well as Pershing), the Army didn’t have any fighter planes. That situation was in large part due to the lawsuits filed by the Wright Brothers years before, who wanted to protect their patents, but doing so stymied the development of aviation in the US. While Congress had appropriated large sums for the manufacture of fighter planes, there was no real way to make those planes given the existing legal limbo of the Wright Brother’s lawsuits. That situation forced Congress to buy fighter planes from France, where Pershing arranged for 5000 to be made in French factories. However, manufacturing those planes would take time, so the 94th had to fly French “left-overs”.
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     While the Nieuport 28 was a second-hand used French fighter, the model suited the 94th just fine, in that it wasn’t far behind the best French fighter, the Spad XIII, and it was a better fighter than the vast majority of the German fighters. The Nieuport 28 climbed faster than German fighters, and it turned/banked more tightly. That being said, the days of individual dogfights in the air were basically over by Spring 1918, in that all aerial combatants by then flew in formations, knowing there was safety in numbers. Despite its advantages, the Nieuport 28’s engine had a nasty habit of catching fire while in combat, due to the way the copper fuel tubes were attached. Worse yet, cheap glue was used in order to stretch the fabric on the wings of the Nieuport 28, which meant the fire in the engine would quickly spread to the wings. Every fighter in the Great War was a flying matchstick, but the Nieuport 28 was a flying matchstick already doused with gasoline, given its engine flaw and the shoddy glue. That poor quality glue sometimes led to torn fabric on the wings just when the pilot took the Nieuport 28 on a deep dive in pursuit of a German fighter. 
     Lufbery, Rickenbacker, and a third pilot took off in their Nieuport 28s, unarmed since the machine guns that had been expected had not yet been delivered. Being unarmed, the patrol was heading out on scouting mission at the start of the Hindenburg Offensive, which was Germany’s attempt to win the Great War in an all-or-nothing gamble (by the Spring of 1918, US soldiers, the “Doughboys”, were pouring into France in great numbers, which was a main reason for the German offensive). The three pilots of the 94th flew east, and when they approached the Rhine they were targeted by German anti-aircraft artillery which exploded near the fighters, sending shrapnel (“flak”, called “Archie” during the Great War) in all directions. While their Nieuport 28s were severely buffeted by the explosions, the three pilots of the 94th continued east, knowing that anti-aircraft fire was rarely accurate, and they completed their large triangular patrol section which included the Meuse River. 
     When the three pilots returned to base, Rickenbacker was asked by other pilots how things went, and he said that the anti-aircraft barrage was just a waste of German ammunition, and that the Germans didn’t have any planes in the air. Lufbery chuckled at that comment, and he told Rickenbacker and the assembled pilots that at least 15 planes, both German and Allied, had flown within a mile of them on their patrol. Lufbery used that moment to restate his instruction that the pilots needed to “look around” in what amounted to a “360”. Then Lufbery took the group to Rickenbacker’s plane, where he showed how close Rickenbacker had come to being killed. That was a pivotal moment for Rickenbacker, in that he vowed to himself that he would learn what he needed to learn in a very short period of time in order to increase his chances of survival in the air.


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     From that day on, Rickenbacker practiced what Lufbery preached on practice runs, including a move Lufbery invented where the pilot could turn in a “360” to check out the sky far more diligently (it was known as the “Lufbery Loop”). While Rickenbacker practiced the “360” maneuver, he became sick and vomited, which continued until his brain got used to the motions involved while flying, where his malaise then disappeared. Machine gun jams were a serious problem on fighters, so Rickenbacker followed Lufbery’s practice of individually polishing each machine gun bullet the night before a mission, in that the smallest speck of dirt could be the reason the machine gun jammed when he needed it most. 
     On 14 April 1918, the 94th was finally able to conduct combat missions, since their machine guns and ammunition were ready to go on their fighters. Rickenbacker was selected as one of the pilots for the first three-man combat patrol for the 94th, where the three pilots took off in heavy fog. Due to that heavy fog, the patrol leader turned back, but Rickenbacker thought he had done so due to engine trouble, so he and the other pilot kept going. After a bit, the two pilots became separated due to poor visibility, and Rickenbacker decided to keep going on his own. When Rickenbacker returned he was told that two German planes had been following him, and they were shot down over the airfield by two pilots of the 94th. Bad weather kept the 94th grounded for a week, but on 23 April 1918 Rickenbacker took off in pursuit of a reported German plane. When he reached the area, Rickenbacker saw a French Spad at 8000 feet, and he turned to return home. When he landed, Rickenbacker was roundly congratulated for shooting down a German plane, but he refused to take credit for something another pilot did, so he told his fellow pilots the truth. 
     Later that day, Rickenbacker and another pilot were in a hangar “on call”, where a report came in from a French artillery battery that a German plane had crossed Allied lines. Rickenbacker and Captain Jimmy Hall quickly got in their fighters to pursue and shoot down that German plane. Once at the reported area, again Rickenbacker discovered that it was a French plane, but then he and Hall saw a German Pfalz fighter flying towards them. Rickenbacker and Hall positioned themselves between the Pfalz and the sun, and then climbed. When Hall broke their two-man formation to attack the Pfalz, Rickenbacker figured that the German pilot would turn back to the safety of the German lines once he saw Hall, so Rickenbacker positioned himself anticipating that move. The German pilot spotted Rickenbacker and started to climb, but he didn’t see Hall, who fired on the Pfalz, totally surprising the German pilot, who turned and headed back east as Rickenbacker predicted.


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     Rickenbacker dove and closed in on the Pfalz’s “6 O’Clock”, and at 150 yards he fired his machine gun, where every fourth bullet was a tracer so he could adjust his aim by adjusting the nose of his fighter. Rickenbacker’s fusilade struck the German fighter’s fuselage and ran up to the cockpit, badly wounding or killing the pilot, and the Pfalz fell in a “Dead-Man’s Glide” and crashed. World of their kill reached the 94th before Rickenbacker and Hall landed, and they were swarmed by their fellow pilots and the mechanics. Due to Rickenbacker’s celebrity as a race car driver, news of his taking part in the killing of a German fighter spread in the press. In the article, Rickenbacker expressed no regrets for killing an enemy pilot in that he was totally focused on shooting down the plane, adding that he would be forever delighted if he found out that the enemy pilot had survived after being shot down. 
     On 8 May 1918 word came of the first 94th fighter pilot that was KIA, and it was devastating news for all in the squadron. In their minds they knew there would be pilots KIA and WIA, but now they knew so deep in their hearts. Four days later it was reported to the 94th that four German Pfalz fighters were heading towards Allied lines, and Rickenbacker, Hall, and Edward Green got in their fighters to intercept them. The three were targeted by German anti-aircraft artillery before they crossed over into enemy territory, where “Archie”  (flak) surrounded them. Rickenbacker saw a German scout plane below, and was about to dive in pursuit when he remembered Lufbery’s lecture about falling into a German trap. Sure enough, when Rickenbacker did his “360”, he saw four German Pfalz fighters climbing from below in formation, trying to cut off the three 94th fighters from escaping west. Already Rickenbacker, Hall, and Green were four miles inside of German territory, and via wiggling his wings, Rickenbacker communicated with Hall and Green that it was time to attack. Hall responded by diving while the four German Pfalz were still below, but Rickenbacker saw that Hall in doing so had drifted further behind enemy lines. Rickenbacker positioned himself behind the rearmost Pfalz and was able to easily shoot it down, and then he looked to his right and saw either Hall or Green with a Pfalz on his tail. Rickenbacker saw that Hall/Green used the far-greater maneuverability of the Nieuport 28 to loop behind the Pfalz and shoot it down, where Rickenbacker then identified the pilot as Green; Rickenbacker’s next thought was where in the world was Hall. With their patrol having spent far too much time deep behind German lines, and losing track of Hall, Rickenbacker had no choice but to signal Green that it was time to fly back to base.
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     When they landed, Green told Rickenbacker that Hall had gone down in a tailspin since part of his wing had been shot off. Rickenbacker was devastated, since he had become very close to Hall, but Lufbery was an even closer friend to Hall, and he got in his plane to exact some revenge by shooting down the first German plane(s) he saw. When Lufbery returned, he told his fellow pilots that he had shot down two of three German planes that had been flying in formation, but that it did nothing to relieve his deep grief. By mid-May 1918, the French press had started to immortalize Allied fighter pilots (which came at the expense of any real recognition for soldiers fighting in the trenches), portraying them as “Knights of the Air”. Unlike soldiers in the trenches, fighter pilots were easy to access for interviews and photographs, which furthered the public’s fascination with fighter pilots during the Great War. 
     The day after Hall’s crash (he was officially listed as “missing”), Rickenbacker was tabbed to replace him as the commander of the “Number 1” patrol unit in the 94th. On his first patrol as commander, Rickenbacker saw a German Albatros scout plane, and much to his great frustration he missed hitting the two-seater scout plane over German territory. Heading back east, a still-fuming Rickenbacker saw the same Albatros below flying towards Allied lines, but the German pilot saw Rickenbacker’s patrol and started escape maneuvers once again. When Rickenbacker looked to see if his other two patrol pilots were in proper position, he didn’t see the “newbie”, and a disconsolate Rickenbacker headed home, prepared for the news that he’d lost his young charge on his first combat flight, which for him would be the worst gut-punch from the war. 
     When Rickenbacker landed, worse news awaited, in that he was told that Lufbery had been KIA, and followed by the good news that the rookie pilot was safe, having landed nearby due to engine trouble. Rickenbacker was told that Lufbery had taken off in pursuit of what was believed to be a German Gotha bomber, and that his plane either caught fire from engine trouble or he had been hit by machine gun fire from the swivel machine gun from the rear pilot on the Gotha. Then Rickenbacker was told that Lufbery’s body was found impaled on a picket fence of a rose garden, where it was surmised that Lufbery had jumped from his burning plane, hoping to somehow survive. The smoldering wreckage of Lufbery’s plane was found about a quarter-mile from where he was found on the ground, still in Allied territory. Lufbery’s death made the Great War personal for Rickenbacker, telling a reporter, “Fighting in the air is not sport, it is scientific murder”. 


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     Six weeks into the 94th’s active role in the Great War, the tremendous stress of fighting had started to take its toll on Rickenbacker and the other pilots, in large part because German planes, other than scout planes and their escort fighters, very rarely crossed Allied lines. The German military was more than content to lay traps for Allied fighters and wait to see if they were lured in rather than risk placing any more pilots in harm’s way crossing Allied lines. The main reason for laying those traps for US pilots was that the Germans had become far more wary of them compared to French fighter pilots, which was ironic since the vast majority of the 94th had far less experience as combat fighter pilots than their French counterparts. Due to that wariness, when German pilots saw US fighters, unless they were flying in large formations, they would automatically retreat, which drastically reduced the chances for engagement, something of which Rickenbacker labeled “Pure Yellowness”. 
     By late-May/early-June 1918, word came that Hall had survived, and was being held as a POW in a Bavarian castle, which lifted the spirits of the 94th. It turned out that the substandard glue on the wings of Hall’s Nieuport 28 had come apart in a steep dive, which led to the wing shearing-off, which then led to a spin of which Hall was miraculously able to correct. Then the propeller stopped when he was just going above stall speed, where his fighter started to slowly fall to the ground tail-first. Then a German fighter opened fire hitting Hall’s plane, where seconds later he crashed through a copse of trees that sheared-off his partial and full wings, where the fuselage came to rest on a field. Hall’s injuries were a broken ankle and a broken nose, since his face had hit the windscreen. Very soon after his crash-landing, Hall was taken prisoner, but he was treated very well, which included getting his broken ankle properly set. Hall was informed by his German captors that the “lurch” he felt before his final descent into his crash was an anti-aircraft shell that hit the front of his plane but didn’t explode, which was incredibly good luck. 
     During early-June 1918, Rickenbacker had shot down a German Albatros scout plane, which gave him four confirmed kills, one short of becoming an “Ace”. On 27 June 1918, the 94th was among four US squadrons ordered to relocate to an airfield in the Chateau-Thierry sector. When the 94th got in the air from their new base, Richthofen’s infamous “Flying Circus” awaited them with many aces, including its new leader, Ober Lieutenant Hermann Goering. Most of the planes in the “Flying Circus” were Fokker tri-wing fighters, which usually patrolled in tight formations of 5 to 7 planes, which made them very difficult to attack.
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     Rickenbacker took full advantage of a lucky break, in that during leave for the 4th of July in Paris, he went to a hangar where the 94th’s new Spad XIII fighters were being readied for action, where he saw that three Spads were ready to go. Rickenbacker asked a mechanic if there was any reason why he, a pilot from the 94th, couldn’t take a Spad back to his base, and the mechanic replied that he thought that would be okay. Within minutes Rickenbacker was in the Spad flying to the 94th’s airfield in what he called the “. . . finest little Spad that ever flew French skies”. When he landed, the pilots of the 94th had an up-close look at the fighter that would replace their Nieuport 28s; the Spad had a 220 horsepower eight cylinder engine which gave it a top speed of 135 mph, 10 mph faster than a German Fokker. While a huge step-up plane-wise, the pilots of the 94th would need to quickly learn how to fly the Spad XIII, in that it had a much different “feel” than the Nieuport 28. 
     During the first two months in the Chateau-Thierry section, the four US squadrons (the First Pursuit Group) lost 36 pilots KIA or CIA (captured). Among those 36 was TR’s youngest son Quentin Roosevelt, who was a former classmate of Lindbergh’s back in the day at Sidwell Friends School. With the Battle of Chateau-Thierry over, the focus was now on the upcoming Allied Meuse-Argonne Offensive, which would be the huge Allied counter-attack to the stalled German Hindenburg Offensive. The First Pursuit Group was relocated to near where the 94th had been originally based in order to support the American part of the Meuse-Argonne Offensive, where Pershing had 650k US soldiers ready to advance. Knowing what was coming, the German high command ordered the “Flying Circus”, among other squadrons, to relocate in order to engage the First Pursuit Group. 
     On 14 September 1918, Rickenbacker was promoted to captain, as well as to deputy-commander of the 94th. As deputy-commander, Rickenbacker no longer had to ask for permission to take to the skies, so that same day he headed out on a solo flight on his Spad XIII, of which by then he was totally familiar. At 10k feet he saw that below him were four German Fokkers from the “Flying Circus”, and like a hawk Rickenbacker dove and approached the rearmost Fokker from behind and quickly shot it down. At that point Rickenbacker wisely turned tail and returned to safe airspace, knowing that he couldn’t take on three “Flying Circus” Fokkers on his own. 
     The next day Rickenbacker did the exact same thing, which was his 7th confirmed kill, which in the US Army Air Service made him an “Ace of Aces”, in that he was the active leader in confirmed kills. The lifespan of an “Ace of Aces” was very short (Lufbery’s span was only two days), but by then Rickenbacker had mastered his fear, which was perhaps the main reason, combined with his incredible flying and thinking skills and reflexes, that explained his tremendous success. Basically, Rickenbacker mentally delayed his fear until he landed, having done the same thing as a race car driver (but he was unable to explain to his fellow pilots how he did so) . . . 

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2a) Rickenbacker: 1916 - 11 November 1918, Part One

7/13/2026

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      Source: Winston Groom. The Aviators - Eddie Rickenbacker, Jimmy Doolittle, 
                                                Charles Lindbergh, and the Epic Age of Flight (2013)
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     During the end of 1916, Rickenbacker had another epiphany while on a train in CA, on his way to Britain to work for the Sunbeam Automotive Company as an engineering and design advisor. Rickenbacker decided that he was done racing cars, even flushing his several lucky charms down the toilet of his private bathroom in his compartment on the train. Rickenbacker decided that he’d stay involved in the racing scene, but not as a driver. When he arrived in DC, he applied for a passport, where for the first time he officially spelled his last name Rickenbacker (instead of Rickenbacher). In NYC he boarded the St. Louis, which was bound for Liverpool. The Germans hadn’t yet resorted to unrestricted submarine warfare in the North Atlantic (meaning targeting ANY British ship), but there was still the real possibility that a German U-Boat would force the liner to stop. If that happened, Germans would board the ship and demand to see the passenger and cargo manifests. 
     On board the St. Louis was William Thaw II, a wealthy American from Pittsburgh who had learned to fly while at Yale. Despite some physical problems (e.g. poor eyesight and a bad knee), Thaw volunteered himself and his plane to be part of the Lafayette Escadrille in the French army, which was almost entirely composed of American pilots. Thaw (who had the designation of “Major” in the Lafayette Escadrille) and Rickenbacker found that they had engines and speed in common, and Thaw told Rickenbacker that he’d be a great fit for the Escadrille. Rickenbacker was intrigued, but he wasn’t yet ready to make that significant a decision just yet. During that voyage, two passengers alerted Rickenbacker that his German-sounding last name might not be received well once in Britain. 
     Once the St. Louis reached Liverpool, a British official refused to allow Rickenbacker to disembark until he was questioned. After showing his passport to the official, a detective from Scotland Yard appeared and escorted him to another cabin, which was where Rickenbacker saw the two passengers that had warned him of this possible reception, who were also from Scotland Yard. It was at that point where Rickenbacker was accused of being a German spy, and they showed him articles from his racing season in 1913 where a sports writer had flat-out made up “facts” about Rickenbacker, claiming that he had all sorts of connections with Germany and Germans.


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     At the time when those articles had appeared, Rickenbacker was aware of those lies, but he kept quiet about them in that those lies and associated nicknames (e.g. “Wild Teuton”) had helped his racing career. However, to Scotland Yard these “facts” were hard truths, and as far as they were concerned Rickenbacker was a German spy (and not a very good one at that). Rickenbacker was strip-searched, the heels of his shoes removed to check if anything was hidden, and lemon juice was even rubbed on his skin to try and reveal any secret writing. Rickenbacker repeatedly told the Scotland Yard detectives to contact the president of the Sunbeam Automotive Company in order to verify his identity, but they refused to do so. The detectives also refused to allow Rickenbacker entry to Britain at Liverpool, confining him to his cabin until the St. Louis left port. Rickenbacker eventually convinced his captors to allow him on land for Christmas Eve (the ship’s captain helped in that endeavor), and the detectives took hotel rooms on both sides of Rickenbacker’s room. On Christmas Day 1916 Rickenbacker was finally able to contact the president of Sunbeam on the phone, and the wealthy Brit convinced the Scotland Yard detectives to release Rickenbacker. On Christmas Day afternoon, Rickenbacker was on a train to London where he would stay at the famous and luxurious Savoy Hotel. 
     When Rickenbacker woke up at the Savoy on his first day working at Sunbeam, he heard and saw planes on training maneuvers over the Thames, and he caught himself thinking that maybe it wasn’t such a bad idea to fly a fighter in the Great War. During the following weeks Rickenbacker worked at Sunbeam designing and improving racing cars, and on the weekends at the Savoy he kept seeing the planes over the Thames. With all the “war fever” in the air in London, Rickenbacker in essence decided that if the US entered the Great War, that would be when he would volunteer as a fighter pilot; what he did not know was that according the US Army regulations, 27 was too old to be a fighter pilot. Rickenbacker figured that the US would join in the war, but he was surprised at how soon it happened. 
     Rickenbacker had been in London for about two months when Germany announced its (renewed) policy of “unrestricted submarine warfare” against all Allied ships in British waters, and Germany gave Americans living in Britain a five day grace period in order to return to the US. That escalation by Germany ended the racing division in Sunbeam, and Rickenbacker was able to gain passage on the St. Louis in order to return to the US, where he discovered that the same two Scotland Yard detectives were also on board. Again those two detectives questioned and searched Rickenbacker, and even confiscated his race car designs, but then they left him alone for the rest of the voyage to the US. During that time on board the St. Louis, Rickenbacker reflected on his conversations with Thaw, who had flat-out stated that race car drivers would be great fighter pilots. Thaw argued that there were many similarities to racing cars and flying airplanes, as well as similarities mechanically, such as keeping the engine in top condition while also being able to make necessary repairs; upon reflecting on Thaw’s comments, Rickenbacker had another epiphany. 


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     Rickenbacker’s idea was to recruit US car racers to be fighter pilots, and he even came up with a name for his imagined squadron: the Aero Reserves of America. When the St. Louis docked in NYC, Rickenbacker was met by reporters, and the next day the New York Times ran a headline that read: “Plans to Enlist Race Drivers For Aviation”, and in the article Rickenbacker was quoted that he would travel the nation to recruit drivers to become flyers. By early-1917 the Army Air Service was basically a non-entity due to the ignorance and indifference of the Army’s top brass; meanwhile in Europe the plane had become a permanent aspect of warfare. At the start of the Great War in August 1914 into 1915, planes were initially used for scouting flights, similar to how cavalry was used in armies in its early days. Soon enough scouting pilots armed themselves to attack enemy scouting planes, which led to machine guns placed in front of the pilot. Originally, the machine guns had been positioned above the propeller, which made firing the weapon awkward for the pilot, as well as causing gross inaccuracy. The few times machine guns were tried directly behind the propeller, of course the propeller was damaged or shot-off. 
     During 1916 the Germans figured out how to synchronize the machine gun to the propeller (if a propeller blade was in front of the machine gun at the time of firing, there was a miniscule delay so the bullet was fired between the blades). Eventually a German fighter plane was downed over Allied lines, where the technology was copied, and during 1917 every European fighter plane in the Great War was armed with a synchronized machine gun in front of the pilot. Also armed with machine guns were two-seater scout planes that also had a machine gun on a swivel for the rear pilot to fire. Those scout planes were also armed with much-improved cameras which led to much more accurate maps of the enemy entrenchments/movements. 
     It was the existence of those armed scout planes with improved cameras that led to the development of “pursuit fighters”, planes designed to shoot down scout planes before they could reach their destination to take photographs. Bombers were also developed, larger (and slower) planes designed to carry a heavy bomb(s), of which pursuit fighters were also to shoot down. During late-1915 on the Western Front in the Great War, the German fighter pilot Manfred von Richthofen (a.k.a. the “Red Baron”) appeared on the scene. Richtofen’s tri-winged Fokkers (painted red, of course) became the scourge of the skies. Richtofen proved to be a natural-born killer in the air, shooting down over 80 enemy planes before he was killed in a crash; Richtofen was shot down by ground fire from Australian troops while he was engaged in a dogfight with a British fighter.

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     The term “Ace” for a fighter pilot came not only from Richthofen, but also other pilots that recorded many kills on both sides of the Great War, which was a title given to a pilot that had shot down many enemy aircraft. Basically, a pilot was an “Ace” after five confirmed kills, and active pilots in an air force (or even a squadron) that had the most kills were also referred to as an “Ace of Aces” (eventually, after ten kills a pilot was called an “Ace of Aces”). Richthofen in particular used the Dicta Boelcke in refining dogfighting, which featured eight rules (e.g. dive with the sun at your back, and attack the enemy from behind at his “6 O-Clock”), which of course all fighter pilots quickly embraced. In order to more effectively use those dogfighting strategies, rapid improvements of fighter planes occurred among the European combatants during 1916 into 1917. So, when the US declared war on Germany in early-April 1917, the US Army Air Service was a pre-schooler compared to the doctorate-level European air corps. 
     Rickenbacker conducted his recruiting tour, where he discovered that his audiences had little interest in the Great War on the other side of the Atlantic. Worse yet, Rickenbacker discovered that he was being followed, but every time he turned to confront his shadow, his follower had vanished. Rickenbacker was in Los Angeles when the Zimmermann Telegram was revealed (not by the US government, but by the British, who were spying on US telegraph lines, desperate for the US to join the war). Simply put, the Zimmermann Telegram was the most stupid thing the Germans could have done in terms of keeping the US out of the Great War. The telegram was sent by the German foreign minister Arthur Zimmermann to the German Ambassador in Mexico City. In that telegram, the plan was for Germany to tell Mexico that if they kept the US busy in a nasty border war so American couldn’t enter the Great War, then Germany would return the territories to Mexico that the US had taken in the Mexican-American War (1846-48), which was in essence the Pacific Southwest, including CA. 
     The intent of the telegram was to at least delay the US entry into the Great War on the side of the Allies, but it spectacularly backfired, in that not only was it the “last straw” for President Wilson (he viewed it what amounted to a threat to national security, even though that phrase hadn’t yet come into use), the telegram also galvanized millions of Americans to be against Germany, no longer “neutral in spirit”.   All of a sudden Rickenbacker spoke to larger and very enthusiastic crowds in Los Angeles. It was shortly after the Zimmermann Telegram was revealed that Rickenbacker’s shadow presented himself, who turned out to be a Brit. The now-former shadow informed Rickenbacker that the British government was now convinced that he was not a German spy, but a totally loyal and patriotic American. The Brit even thanked Rickenbacker for the assignment for which he had been tasked, saying that he had a great time in the US while shadowing Rickenbacker. After that brief discussion, the Brit disappeared as quickly as he had presented himself.
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     On 2 April 1917 Wilson asked Congress to declare war on Germany, and days later both the House and Senate did so in overwhelming majority votes. With a list of race car driver recruits to train as fighter pilots, Rickenbacker was on a train to meet with some of the Army’s top brass. When he met with those high-ranking officers, the first thing they asked was if Rickenbacker had a college degree. When Rickenbacker said he didn’t have that degree but he had taken a correspondence course on mechanical engineering, the brass roundly mocked him. When the top brass found out he was 27 years old, Rickenbacker was told that the Army Air Service only accepted candidates that were 25 years old or younger that possessed a college degree. While Rickenbacker was frustrated, he wasn’t at all devastated, in that setbacks didn’t put him down for the count; he figured that he’d be able to take part in the war without being in the Army, knowing that the Lafayette Escadrille was an option. 
     Rickenbacker was in Cincinnati when he took a phone call from Army Major Lewis Burgess, who had known him for many years. Burgess told Rickenbacker that there was a “top secret” ship sailing from NYC for France, and that if he wanted to be on board he better be at the dock early the next morning. All Burgess told Rickenbacker was that “important people” needed drivers, and the position carried the rank of staff sergeant. Rickenbacker decided to go to France as part of the first wave of the AEF (the American Expeditionary Force), where he would later figure out how to get in the air as a fighter pilot. On board that “secret mission ship” was General John J. Pershing, the top-ranked Army general in command of all US soldiers in Europe. Among the officers on Pershing’s staff were Captain George S. Patton and Pershing’s air officer Colonel T. F. Dodd (of whom Rickenbacker had helped with engine trouble in a cow pasture in 1916). 
     Rickenbacker was sworn-in as a staff sergeant in the Army the next morning and was given a uniform and requisite gear before boarding the ship. That advance Army contingent sailed for France on board the RMS Baltic, which was a White Star passenger liner. Once in France, Rickenbacker was assigned to be the driver for Colonel Billy Mitchell, who greatly appreciated Rickenbacker’s honesty, humor, and fast driving. Mitchell knew that aviation was a big part of the future of warfare, as was confirmed by what was occurring in the skies over Europe in the Great War, and he was absolutely horrified that the Army Air Service lagged so far behind the European air forces in the war. 


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     Good fortune again found Rickenbacker, in that while he was in Paris he came across a banker he knew who was now the officer in charge of setting up a flying school for US pilots. Rickenbacker was immediately offered the rank of 2nd Lieutenant (which then-and-now is the lowest-ranking officer in the Army), where his job description would be chief engineer. Rickenbacker accepted under the condition that he could not be an effective engineer unless he too was trained to fly. While Mitchell was very reluctant to lose his driver, he knew that Rickenbacker wanted to fly, and he pulled strings behind the scenes to streamline Rickenbacker’s transfer, his promotion to 2nd Lieutenant, as well as getting him admitted to the pilot training school in Tours. At the flying school (where  all of Rickenbacker’s instructors were of course French), Rickenbacker was certified as a pilot in only 17 days. After 25 hours of solo flying time, Rickenbacker was commissioned as a 1st Lieutenant in the US Army Air Service, not as a pilot, but as a chief engineer. 
     When Rickenbacker reported for duty as the flying school’s chief engineer, he discovered that it was run by five officers with the last names of Spaatz, Wiedenbach, Spiegel, Tittel, and himself; behind their backs the five were called the “Five German Spies”. While incredibly busy as a chief engineer, Rickenbacker still managed to  get in the air after work hours, trying out maneuvers of which he had heard (e.g. loops), and he even audited as many regular classroom sessions as possible. After learning a new maneuver in an audited class, Rickenbacker had to be very stealthy in using a plane without an instructor to try the maneuver with no one discovering what he was doing. When Rickenbacker decided that he had gone as far as he could with his “self-instruction” (which a few times had nearly led to his death) as chief engineer at the flying school, he asked his superior officer if he could attend French gunnery school, where he was granted permission. 
     Rickenbacker discovered that French gunnery school was an incredible challenge, in that instruction was delivered in French, which meant he depended on a translator.  On one of the training exercises Rickenbacker found himself in a boat in the middle of a lake where each day he was to shoot at targets with a .30 caliber rifle. After passing that stage he was in a plane armed with a machine gun firing at a moving target, which was a ten foot long four foot wide sock towed by a slow-moving plane. The first time Rickenbacker fired his machine gun at the sock, he cut the tow rope in two, after which the “Sock Plane” immediately landed, and Rickenbacker did the same. On the ground the two French pilots expressed their amazement  at what Rickenbacker had done with such little training; word of Rickenbacker’s flying abilities and accuracy with the machine gun spread outwards and upwards. 


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1) Eddie Rickenbacker: 1890 - 1916

7/10/2026

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      Source: Winston Groom. The Aviators - Eddie Rickenbacker, Jimmy Doolittle, 
                                                Charles Lindbergh, and the Epic Age of Flight (2013)

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    Eddie Rickenbacker was born during 1890, the same year as the Massacre at Wounded Knee occurred. He was the third of eight children of parents who were of poor Swiss-German stock. When the Great War started in Europe during August 1914 and the rising tide of hate towards all-things-German infected the US bloodstream, Eddie changed the spelling of his name from the Teutonic Rickenbacher to the more Anglicized Rickenbacker. Growing up in Columbus (OH), Rickenbacker (often called “Rick”) had a combative personality and was at best an indifferent student. Rickenbacker enjoyed doing daring things such as jumping into a coal car on a moving train, where he had to be rescued by his brothers. Rickenbacker’s family was poor, their home unheated other than the kitchen stove, no running water, and no electricity. Rickenbacker’s family raised almost all of their food from a large vegetable garden, as well as from pigs, goats, and chickens on their quarter-acre lot. During 1898 when the Spanish-American War started, Rickenbacker’s father tried to enlist in the Army, but he was declared ineligible due to the size of his family; eight year-old Rickenbacker never forgot how his father repeatedly reminded his children that they needed to fight for their freedom. 
     His father died when Rickenbacker was 13 (he died from being struck by a blunt object in a fight at work at a construction site), where he promised his mother that his days as a juvenile thrill-seeker were over. True to his word, the next day, instead of going to school, he found a job working a twelve hour shift six days a week at the Federal Glass Factory for $3.50/week ($127/week in 2025 dollars). It was a dangerous job, and soon enough Rickenbacker quit in the middle of a week. However, that same morning he was hired at a steel-casting company for twice the wages, and three months later Rickenbacker worked at a brewery capping bottles (he also had a part-time job as a pin-setter in a bowling alley). Working with hops in the brewery caused headaches, so Rickenbacker quit and found a job in a stone yard, where he became so proficient at cutting marble that he made a headstone for his father’s grave, an accomplishment of which he remained proud for the rest of his life.


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     During 1905 when he turned 15, in Columbus Rickenbacker saw a man driving a new two-passenger Ford turtleback roadster, which cost $500 (about $18.2k in 2025 dollars). While Rickenbacker had seen plenty of cars, he had not seen a speedster, and he asked the man if he could ride along; it was at that moment that Rickenbacker acquired his fascination with all-things mechanical. After the ride, Rickenbacker asked if he could look under the hood, which only increased his curiosity. Soon after that car ride Rickenbacker took a lower-paying job (75 cents/day) to what amounted being a janitor at a nearby car repair shop. During those years a “horseless carriage” had one of three types of engines: steam-powered (the “Stanley Steamer”), electric-powered, or gasoline-powered. Rickenbacker learned to drive by parking customer cars (of all three engine types) in the garage, where he experienced very happy days working, despite the lower wage. 
     Rickenbacker enrolled in a correspondence course on mechanical engineering, focusing on cars, especially the internal combustion engine. The course was college-level, which meant that Rickenbacker not only had to learn how to study, but also how to develop critical-thinking and problem-solving skills. After about nine months in the garage, Rickenbacker wanted to work where cars were manufactured, which led him to be employed at the Frayer Automotive Company, which was owned by Lee Frayer. Columbus had more than 40 businesses that made cars (it wasn’t until 1913 where Henry Ford started to produce the Model-T on a moving assembly line), and each company made virtually every component of their care on site. Rickenbacker’s first job at Frayer was on clean-up duty, but soon enough the workers, and then supervisors, figured out that he had a special talent concerning engines. 
     Eventually Frayer tutored Rickenbacker how to make a carburetor, then it was on to engine assembly and then all the phases of manufacture including the chassis. One day Frayer told Rickenbacker that he was to report to the company’s engineering department, which focused on designing and setting specifications for different models. By the early-1900s, automobile racing had become hugely popular, and by 1906 the fastest recorded speed from a car was very close to 100 mph. And of course, what also fascinated the public about car racing were the wrecks and gruesome injuries/deaths; car racing in those days was not all that dissimilar from gladiators in Ancient Rome.

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     The most prestigious car race in that era was the Vanderbilt Cup that drew 250k spectators. The event was a grueling 300 mile five-hour marathon through Nassau County, Long Island, and then Queens, where the winner of the car race received $10k. Frayer’s company was in financial straits, and winning the Vanderbilt Cup would go a long way to solving its money problems as well as giving Frayer and his company national exposure. Frayer wanted to enter three cars in the race (where he would be one of the drivers) which would be held on 16 October 1906. As the three cars were being loaded on a train in Columbus, Frayer told Rickenbacker that he would be going along, which thrilled Rickenbacker to no end. When Frayer’s entourage arrived in NYC, Frayer told Rickenbacker that he would be his riding mechanic, and he gave Rickenbacker a leather driving helmet and goggles. Frayer would drive while the 16 year-old Rickenbacker would pay attention to the gauges, especially oil and gas pressure, pumping them up to normal if they were low, and to watch the condition of the tires as well, in that they wouldn’t last past 100 miles. Rickenbacker was to bang Frayer on the knee once if a driver was coming up to pass, and two if the car was actually passing. 
     On the second day of racing practice, the brakes failed and both Frayer and Rickenbacker were thrown from the car in the wreck, but neither was hurt other than some cuts and bruises. The next day the two were racing at 70 mph when they hit a flock of guinea hens crossing the road, where in effect the car became a mobile poultry plant, in need of repairs. On 22 September 1906, the elimination race was held, but mechanical failures ensued, which forced Frayer to pull off to the side of the road where he told Rickenbacker, “We’re through”. Frayer was out of the racing business, but given his talents and expertise he was soon hired as the chief engineer for the Clinton DeWitt Firestone Columbus Buggy Company, which had one of the largest workforces in the US, around a thousand men (by 1900, a separate company had branched off, the Firestone Tire and Rubber Company in Akron, which became the world’s leading manufacturer of tires by 1904). 
     Having made electric-powered horse buggies, the company wanted to manufacture cars, and Frayer brought a 17 year-old Rickenbacker with him, where he was employed in the designing department for $20/week with a dozen adult men under his supervision. Rickenbacker not only proved himself to be a mechanical genius, he also had great people skills, and he was so personable that the company made him a sales manager which paid $125/month. Earning that kind of salary allowed Rickenbacker to help pay off the mortgage on the family home as well as providing other financial support. Rickenbacker kept moving up in the company, where he became a branch manager in Omaha (NE), which had a higher monthly salary.


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     As great as his rise within the company was, Rickenbacker’s desire for speed was paramount. During 1910 dirt track car racing was incredibly popular in the Midwest, and Frayer had developed a little Firestone roadster that the 19 year-old Rickenbacker thought would be perfect for the dirt track. Rickenbacker figured that if he won races driving that car, his image and reputation within the company would be burnished. Rickenbacker lost his first race in Red Oak (IA), but then won in Omaha and Columbus. Before each race, Rickenbacker drove the dirt race track until he had every curve and nuance memorized, and after he won a race he was not only congratulated on his driving skills, people also stated, “I want that car”, which doubled his success in that he had redesigned the car to his specifications. 
     By 1911 the Indianapolis 500 was the biggest and most prestigious car-racing event in the world, and racing in Frayer’s Red Wing Special Rickenbacker finished 7th, racing among the greatest drivers of the day. While he finished just out of the money in the 1911 Indy 500, his finish was viewed as a great result for a rookie driver. That race was also the first time Rickenbacker faced death on the racetrack, but if it bothered him it didn’t show; it was also the first time that Rickenbacker had experienced the “blood lust” of a huge racing crowd. After the Indy 500, Rickenbacker found it difficult to just sell cars and race on dirt tracks, no matter how much money he was making. After a year at his position at the company with Frayer, Rickenbacker resigned and went to Des Moines (IA) to work at the Maytag-Mason Motor Company, whose chief engineer was a 36 year-old automotive genius, Fred Duesenberg. As part of the Duesenberg team, Rickenbacker and the others prepared to race in the newly-prestigious Sioux City 300, which would occur on 4 July 1914. Before the race, on 28 June 1914 Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria-Hungary was assassinated by Gavrilo Princip in Sarajevo, which was the “spark” that set off the horrific decision-making among the European powers that started the Great War a little over a month later. The assassination was barely mentioned in the US press, but that assassination would have an incredibly profound impact on the life of 23 year-old Eddie Rickenbacker. 
     As the Sioux City 300 began, Rickenbacker was a driver with his mechanical engineer in the passenger seat. Rickenbacker knew his car wasn’t the fastest, but given his knowledge of the not-so-great race track, he made up for that lack of speed on the curves. Rickenbacker won the race by 48 seconds, which meant that he had officially become a major figure in the racing circuit. Rickenbacker’s photograph after the race was in all the major US newspapers (as well as in many foreign newspapers), where his name and face became familiar to car racing fans across the nation.
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     Rickenbacker finished “in the money” in two other major races that season, and he was rated the sixth-best driver in the circuit. When the racing season concluded, Rickenbacker took stock of his situation. He liked being part of the Duesenberg team, but he didn’t think they built cars that could withstand long races; he had become very frustrated at not finishing some races due to mechanical problems, and during November 1914 he left the company. As a freelance driver Rickenbacker won a few premier races, including the Vanderbilt Cup, and he again raced in the Sioux City 300, where he agreed to drive one of Duesenberg’s cars (although he was sponsored by Maxwell). Rickenbacker had a very close call during the race due to no fault of his own, in that another driver, trying to avoid making contact with another car, came into contact with Rickenbacker’s car; the driver and mechanical engineer in the car that made contact were both killed in a crash. While Rickenbacker won the Sioux City 300 for the second straight year, due to those two fatalities had became a changed man. While he kept racing, Rickenbacker decided that he had been saved for “some special purpose”, and he physically and spiritually each day prepared himself to meet any challenge. Rickenbacker stopped drinking and smoking (for a while) and he developed a 15 minute exercise routine which he completed after getting out of bed in the morning and before going to bed at night (doing so well into his 70s). 
     Rickenbacker also exercised his mind, learning at least one new word a day using a pocket dictionary. Additionally, Rickenbacker decided to conduct himself as a gentleman, complete with proper manners. He had the ability to use almost superhuman determination to succeed at what he set out to do, and with his new outlook and “special purpose”, Rickenbacker set out to become the world’s best race car driver. During the racing season of 1916, Rickenbacker did extremely well, where he tore up the tracks . . . literally so, in that he developed the special (dubious in the eyes of his rivals) skill of intentionally skidding into sharp turns on dirt courses which created a cloud of dust that forced drivers behind him to slow down. While his rivals were upset with Rickenbacker, the press loved the strategy, dubbing him the “King of Dirt”, and Rickenbacker joked with reporters after winning races about “leaving ‘em in my dust”. 


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     While Rickenbacker wasn’t gentlemanly on the race track, after races he didn’t go to the saloon like the other drivers, but instead went to his hotel with his crew for a far more quiet celebration (or commiseration). In his never-ending quest to find cars that didn’t break down during a race, Rickenbacker started to drive Maxwells, buying four of their cars for $25k, and he created a systems network in support which included the owners of the Indianapolis 500 racetrack. Rickenbacker basically redesigned the four Maxwells to his liking from the tires-up, including overhauling the engines and removing unneeded extra weight, which provided an extra 10-12 mph. Of the 13 races Rickenbacker entered during 1916, his team of Maxwells won seven, and after expenses (and counting revenues from advertisers and exhibits), the team’s profits reached $78k, $60k of which was Rickenbacker’s personal winnings ($180,5k in 2025 dollars). 
     Late that racing season Rickenbacker decided to race with the Duesenberg team in Santa Monica (CA) for the American Grand Prize, and during his time in CA he had two encounters that changed his life forever. The first occurred a few days before the race when Rickenbacker was driving about halfway between Palm Springs and Los Angeles, where he saw an airplane outside a hangar. Rickenbacker had never seen a plane up close, so he pulled over to check it out. As he was looking in the cockpit the owner came out of the hangar, and he immediately recognized Rickenbacker. The man introduced himself as Glenn Martin, who then told Rickenbacker he was looking at a two-seat “bomber” that he designed for the Navy, and then he asked if Rickenbacker wanted a ride.
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     Interestingly, the death-defying race car driver had a fear of heights caused by his daredevil childhood, where even looking down from a tall building made Rickenbacker dizzy. Also, Rickenbacker held airplanes in very low standing, knowing that barnstormers and stunt flyers died with gruesome regularity, but Rickenbacker accepted the offer, which started his lifelong love of aviation. Once airborne, Rickenbacker girded his loins and looked down from his cockpit, where he discovered he wasn’t at all dizzy or nauseous, but instead absolutely fascinated. The only thing that bothered Rickenbacker was the landing, in that the ground seemed to come up incredibly fast, but he quickly overcame any discomfort. An excited Rickenbacker told Martin that he had vertigo, and asked why it didn’t kick in during the flight. Martin said, “It’s because there’s nothing to judge height by, there’s no edge to look over”. Rickenbacker’s experience with Martin was followed by another chance meeting which proved to be life-changing. 
     Rickenbacker was again driving, this time much closer to Los Angeles, where he passed a cow pasture where a single-seat US Army biplane was there, with the disconsolate pilot standing next to it staring at the engine. The pilot was Major T. F. Dodd of the US Army Air Service, which was so lowly-regarded by the Army brass that it had been placed within the Signal Corps. Dodd told Rickenbacker that he had been forced to land because the engine had lost power, complaining that, “It runs, but does not deliver enough power to keep aloft”. Dodd asked Rickenbacker if he knew anything about engines, and he stated that he did. After Dodd spun the propeller and the engine started, Rickenbacker quickly diagnosed that the problem was within the ignition system, specifically with the electrical system. Rickenbacker fixed the coupling that had slipped off the magneto, at which point the engine performed to its full capacity. Rickenbacker had no way to know that he had made a meaningful connection with Dodd, and it would be Dodd that would change Rickenbacker’s life at a most opportune moment . . . 


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17) The 19th Amendment: November 1917 - August 1920

7/1/2026

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                  Source: Winifred Conkling. Votes For Women! 
                                American Suffragists and the Battle for the Ballot (2018)
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     Wilson sent a minion to Occoquan in order to see what was going on with the NWP prisoners, and that minion knew that Wilson only wanted to hear good news, so that’s what he reported. Wilson full-well knew how badly the NWP suffragists were treated at Occoquan, but now he possessed plausible deniability at what was going on in the prison. Then a  lawyer for the NWP filed for a writ of habeas corpus which would force the government to explain why the vast majority of NWP suffragists that were arrested were sent to Occoquan instead of the DC jail. Finally, those NWP suffragists had their day in court on 23 November 1917, where family and friends were aghast at how thin and haggard they looked; some women had to lie down on benches since they were unable to sit up. Some of the imprisoned women suffragists were still dealing with the physical and mental aftershocks from the “Night of Terror”, which had occurred about a week before. The judge immediately released the NWP suffragists who were obviously too weak to complete their sentence, while the others were moved to an abandoned jail. However, once in that jail, many of those NWP suffragists renewed their hunger strike, at which point the warden ordered two gas stoves to be placed near their cells. The warden hired six women to continuously cook ham and bacon, believing it would end their hunger strike, but the suffragists still refused to eat. 
     Wilson had a self-inflicted political nightmare on his hands, in that the newspapers covered what the NWP prisoner had experienced every day. The New York Times updated their readers on Alice Paul’s condition every day, as well as a statement from her that had been smuggled out of jail. Included in Paul’s statement was that she had even been deprived of fresh air, since two of the three windows in her cell had been nailed shut. On 7 November 1917, the New York Times quoted Paul’s doctor, where he stated that she and the other NWP hunger strikers would continue until they received the same rights and privileges as the 17 convicted male murderers, who had food, exercise, fresh air, and books/newspapers. Alice Paul and the other NWP imprisoned suffragists had officially become political martyrs in the eyes of the press and most of the nation, and soon enough Wilson (indirectly) instructed figures in his administration to cut them loose from prison. On 27 November 1917, the vast majority of the NWP prisoners, including Paul, were suddenly released. Paul had been imprisoned for five weeks, and had been on her hunger strike for 22 days. Immediately after her release, Paul made sure the press knew everything that had happened to her in prison, as well as what her sister suffragists had gone through. Paul was clear in her assertion that their sudden release proved that their convictions and sentences were beyond-unjust, and that they had been imprisoned at the whim of the government.


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     On 9 January 1918, Wilson officially came out in support of the proposed amendment for women’s suffrage, calling it a “war measure” in order to save face. Wilson was in full damage control, in that he met with at least a dozen prominent Democrats in Congress to urge them to support what was still called the “Susan B. Anthony Amendment”. Wilson also released a statement, saying of the amendment that it was an “. . . act of right and justice to the women of the country and the world”. During the next day, 10 January 1918 (one year to the day the NWP protestors started to picket the White House), the House of Representatives voted to officially propose the “Anthony Amendment”. All knew the vote would be close, which meant representatives for-and-against made sure they were present to vote (one representative actually left his wife’s deathbed to vote). 
     The House voted 274 for and 136 against, which was the absolute minimum for the constitutionally-required two-thirds supermajority to officially propose the amendment from the chamber. It was so chaotic on the House floor that the roll call occurred three times in order to guarantee an accurate vote tally. After the House formally proposed the amendment, the Senate dawdled and delayed for eight months until on 30 September 1918 Wilson applied political pressure to key Senate Democrats and then spoke in front of the Senate. Finally, there was movement in the Senate towards a floor vote, but on 1 October 1918 the amendment fell short of the two-thirds supermajority by two votes (62 - 34); therefore, the “Anthony Amendment” was not sent to the states for ratification. 


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    After the narrow defeat of the amendment in the Senate, Alice Paul changed tactics in order to increase  the pressure on the government. In addition to picketing the White House, NWP protestors burned copies of Wilson’s speeches (which the NWP called “Watchfires For Freedom”), which was designed to symbolically call him out for going to war to spread democracy in the world but not following through on that promise at home. Paul and the NWP held Wilson accountable for the failed proposal of the amendment, even though he was now a supporter (belatedly and very reluctantly so); it was simply easier to focus on Wilson instead of an entire Congress. On 16 December 1918, not quite five weeks after the armistice that ended the Great War, 300 NWP suffragists marched to Lafayette Square in DC, and once there dropped pages of Wilson’s speeches in what was basically a burning barrel, symbolically burning all the words he had written and spoken concerning the glories of democracy. On 1 January 1919, a “watchfire” protest was conducted in front of the White House, where Paul wanted to keep burning speeches in order to have a sort of “perpetual flame” going in a large urn. Wilson had left DC on 4 December 1918 for the treaty negotiations in Paris (he would be in France for the next six months, other than a quick foray back to DC in March 1919), and all of Wilson’s speeches and pronouncements that appeared in US newspapers while in Paris were publicly burned by the NWP.
     Paul made sure there was a large bell near the urn, and after newspapers reported a statement that Wilson made in Paris promoting democracy, the bell was rung, and a copy of that speech/statement was burned. As the NWP suffragists knew would occur, the arrests started up again, this time with the charges being “congregating in the park”, or “holding a meeting without a permit”. On 9 February 1919, the day before the Senate was to vote again to propose the Anthony Amendment, nearly 100 NWP suffragists marched to the White House. Once there they not only burned copies of Wilson’s speeches, but also a two-foot straw-stuffed figure that represented Wilson. A suffragist from TN stated, “We burn not the effigy of the President of a free people, but the leader of an autocratic party organization whose tyrannical power holds millions of women in political slavery”. 


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     The NWP protestors that were identified as directly participating in the burnings were arrested (about 40), where the judge sentenced them to serve time in the DC jail. However, the judge got tired of conducting the quick individual trials, at which point he simply stopped, which meant the dozen or so that hadn’t been tried went free. Alice Paul’s “Watchfire” campaign didn’t make as sizable an impression as she hoped, in that the Senate’s vote on the amendment on 10 February 1919 failed to pass by the required two-thirds supermajority, this time by only one vote. After the Senate again failed to formally propose the Anthony Amendment, Paul and the NWP kept protesting, but noticeably less often and much less confrontational. On 21 May 1919 (with Wilson still in Paris), the new House of Representatives passed the Anthony Amendment 304 - 89, and then on 4 June 1919, with minimal debate, the Senate did so by a 56 - 25 vote. Paul was so certain that both houses would propose the amendment that she was already in MN when the voting was conducted, getting a head start to campaign for the ratification of the amendment in that state. 
     The final wording of the proposed amendment sent to the states for ratification was exactly the same as when it first failed in Congress during 1878: “The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex”. Wilson sent a personal telegram to Carrie Chapman Catt (the president of NAWSA), but he didn’t send one or say a word to Alice Paul. Wilson never forgave Paul for humiliating him in the public arena, which was a grudge he didn’t hold long, in that he died during 1924. The last hurdle that needed to be cleared in order for women to finally have the right to vote was that three-quarters of the states had to ratify the amendment in order for it to be added to the Constitution. Achieving that three-quarters mark (36 of 48 states) was going to be a very, very close call, something of which Alice Paul, Lucy Burns, Carrie Chapman Catt, and all women suffragists full-well knew. 


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     Once the amendment was sent to the states for ratification, at long last NAWSA and the NWP were aligned, albeit working separately. Catt had around 2 million women and men very eager to work towards ratification across the 48 states, and the NWP had around 50k doing so. The anti-suffrage forces (the “antis”) also geared up for the fight, where opposition to the proposed amendment was especially fierce in the South. Some Southern whites worried that states’ rights were under assault, and even more Southern whites viewed the amendment as a threat to their traditional way of life, in that African-American women would be able to vote in addition to African-American men. The “antis” used the same arguments from years before, such as the amendment would destroy the home, and mothers would neglect their kids, and mixing in some relatively new reasons, such as why double the number of idiots that already have the right to vote. Millions of women’s suffrage supporters (which included more men than ever before) lobbied their state’s governor to support the amendment. However, most state legislatures were out of session, which meant the governor would have to call a special session in order to conduct a vote on ratification before the normal session resumed. The clock worked against the suffragists, in that if women didn’t gain the right to vote by the Election of 1920, it would lead to a very long wait, since it was painfully obvious to any informed American that the nation was taking a sharp conservative turn after the Great War (simply put, the Great War ended the Progressive Era). The “antis” of course knew that the political landscape would soon change in their favor, so they did their best to stall and obfuscate at the state level, hoping that the suffrage “fad” would then fade. 
     An initial surge of states quickly ratified the amendment, starting with WI on 10 June 1919. A “baker’s dozen” more states did so shortly thereafter, and then the pace of ratification slowed down. By the Spring of 1920, 35 states had ratified the amendment, and eight states (GA, AL, SC, VA, MD, MS, LA, and DE) had voted against ratification. Only one more state was needed, and seven states hadn’t yet voted on ratifying the amendment. However, most of those seven states were in the Deep South, where there was no chance of ratification, which left TN as the last battleground for passage. The TN governor was up for re-election, and he was worried that if he supported ratification he would lose. The TN governor received a telegram from Wilson that urged him to support ratification, and believing that Wilson had his back, he called the TN state legislature into a special session (but not until August 1920, after the state’s Democratic gubernatorial primary). 


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     On 9 August 1920, the TN state legislature opened in special session, where both the house and the senate would debate and then vote on the amendment. The TN governor publicly supported the amendment, and the senate leadership agreed with the governor’s position, saying that it would be an honor to be the 36th and deciding state that ratified the 19th Amendment. On 13 August 1920, the TN senate voted 25 - 4 in favor, which meant it all came down to the TN house of representatives, where passage appeared to be at best a vote or two shy. For five days the TN house debated the amendment, and the house speaker did everything he could to keep the amendment from even coming to a vote. Catt, who was in Nashville doing her best to lobby for passage (and was very politically experienced and connected), had never before seen the nefarious tactics used by the “antis”, which included intercepting telegrams, tapping phone lines, even listening outside doors/windows. Worse yet, Catt knew that the “antis” were buying votes in the TN house; even so, the “antis” were unsure of where things stood in the house vote, as were the suffragists. 
     On 18 August 1920, the vote for ratifying the 19th Amendment was conducted in the TN house, and the vote resulted in a 48 - 48 tie, which obviously necessitated another vote. A roll call vote was then conducted, where each representative had to stand and verbally vote “Aye” or “Nay”; the seventh representative called on to vote was 24 year old Harry Burn, who was the youngest member in the chamber. Burn represented a solid “anti” district, and had voted “Nay” in the first round. However, Burn had a letter burning in his pocket from his mother, who supported women’s suffrage. That seven page letter ended with his mother writing, “Don’t forget to be a good boy, and help Mrs. ‘Thomas Catt’ with her ‘Rats’. Is she the one that put rat in ratification. Ha! With lots of love, Mama”. The house speaker called on Burn to vote, and he stood and voted “Aye”, which made the vote 49 for and 47 against (two more votes followed, which also ended 49 - 47). TN had just ratified the 19th Amendment, and women finally gained the right to vote 72 years after Elizabeth Cady Stanton first demanded that right at the Seneca Falls Convention in 1848. 
     After the votes, Burn raced from the chamber to escape those that wanted to beat him senseless, and he hid in the building’s attic until it was safe to leave. The “antis” went so far as to accuse Burn of accepting $10k in bribe money to change his vote, so Burn felt it was necessary to state his position on the record for the house journal. Burn stated that he voted in favor of the amendment for five reasons, which included his mother’s support and that voting was a universal right (interestingly, in his solidly “anti” district, Burn was re-elected to a second term). The “antis” kept challenging the TN house vote, and influential “antis” convinced a judge to issue a restraining order on the final tally, which forbade the governor from certifying the result. The TN governor ignored the judge’s order, and on 24 August 1920 he signed the ratification certificate and sent it via registered mail to DC. That signed certificate reached SecState Bainbridge Colby on 26 August 1920, and later that morning he signed the proclamation that officially added the 19th Amendment to the Constitution, with the only witness being his assistant. 


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     At 8 am on 24 August 1920, Alice Paul received a call asking her to go to the State Department, where she believed she would witness the official signing of the TN certificate by the SecState. Paul waited for several hours in the building, where she then learned that the SecState had signed the certificate many hours before. Paul and Catt had been in a heated argument over which of them most deserved to witness the signing, and the SecState decided that it would be best if neither woman was present. Paul asked if the SecState was willing to be photographed with her in a recreation of the signing, and she was told to come back in the afternoon. When Paul returned at the appointed time, she saw Carrie Chapman Catt leaving the SecState’s office with a photographer, where Paul assumed the SecState chose to have two separate photo recreations of the signing. Paul again waited and waited, and the other NWP women that were with her gave up and left, and at long last Paul left as well. That snub was a passive-aggressive way for Wilson (via his SecState) to punish her and the NWP for their militant tactics that had publicly and politically humiliated him on the homefront during the Great War. 
     When the 19th Amendment was added to the Constitution, Alice Paul was 35 years old. Paul went back to school and earned three degrees in law from the Washington College of Law at American University, and she kept moving forward, advocating for the Equal Rights Amendment which the House and Senate started to “consider” during 1923. It wasn’t until 1972 (when Paul was in her upper-80s) when the House and the Senate officially proposed the ERA, sending it to the states for ratification. The ERA mirrored the wording of the 19th Amendment, reading, “Equality of rights under the law shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex”. Alice Paul died at the age of 92 on 9 July 1977, and the ERA was never added to the Constitution, even with the deadline for ratification extended to 1979, and then to (a disputed) 1982 deadline. The 1979 extension didn’t matter, in that during that period no additional state ratified the ERA, where 35 states had voted yes, three short of the 38 required states. With the 1982 extension, the 38 state mark was reached, but a quagmire of legal challenges (focused mostly on the legality of the extension) left the ERA up in the air (to date, the ERA has not been added to the Constitution). 


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16) Alice Paul & Lucy Burns: 21 June - 15 November 1917

6/29/2026

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                  Source: Winifred Conkling. Votes For Women! 
                                American Suffragists and the Battle for the Ballot (2018)
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     The day after the “Russian Banner” first appeared in front of the White House, Raymond Pullman, the new DC police superintendent, paid a visit to Alice Paul and told her to stop the picketing. Paul pointed out that the NWP had been protesting in that manner for half-a-year and were following the law, and then she asked, “Has the law changed?”. Pullman responded that if the protests continued there would be arrests, and he followed up by saying, “Those are our instructions”, which was a clear indication to Paul that he was a messenger from the Wilson administration, perhaps even Wilson himself. After that not-so-veiled warning, Paul responded that the protests would continue, which they did on 22 June 1917. On that day Lucy Burns and Katharine Morey were arrested (they did not resist), and they were charged with “Obstructing Traffic”. The next day Pullman again warned Paul, and again she politely refused, and on 25 June 1917, twelve NWP protestors were arrested under the same charge of obstructing traffic. Day-after-day the NWP protests continued as did the arrests, and the police refused to protect them from angry citizens. 
     On 26 June 1917, Alice Paul and Lucy Burns held a banner that read “Democracy Should Begin At Home”, where eventually hooligan boys ripped the banner away and tore it apart (Paul and Burns did not defend themselves or their banner). Near the NWP office, a mob tore a banner from suffragists heading towards the White House, and that same day nine NWP members were arrested; but not one arrest was made against anyone that assaulted the women suffragists. By the end of June, 27 NWP protestors had been arrested, with the DC police claiming that the crowds they attracted “obstructed traffic”. Six of the 27 were put on trial, where the six defendants pointed out that they had legal protections under the Constitution as well as the Clayton Anti-Trust Act of 1914 (which protected picketing). The judge then changed the charges, convicting them of “obstructing the highways”, and fined each of the six women $25. 
     The six women suffragists basically told the judge that he could pound sand, saying that they would not pay a single dollar of the fine since they were innocent. Those six women were held in jail for three days; they were the first women suffragists to be jailed protesting for the right to vote. The arrests of the six NWP members didn’t stop the picketing in front of the White House during the Great War at all, and those arrests encouraged Paul to stage even more provocative protests which would attract larger/angrier crowds, which she knew would lead to more arrests, and more attention on the press. Paul was beyond-certain that the government persecution of non-violent NWP protestors would help the cause of women’s suffrage.


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     On 4 July 1917, five NWP members left their office carrying a banner that read: “Just Governments Derive Their Power From the Consent of the Governed”. As those five women crossed Pennsylvania Avenue towards the White House, 29 police officers stormed in to arrest them (another group of NWP protestors were arrested that same day, among them Lucy Burns). Paul felt that NWP members being arrested protesting for freedom on the Fourth of July had great symbolic value, and she made sure newspapers carried the story, many of which featured the arrests on their front page. The 11 NWP protestors then went to court and were found guilty, and all refused to pay the fine and accepted jail sentences. Then on 14 July 1917 (Bastille Day, France’s Independence Day), 16 NWP suffragists protested with banners that read: “Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, July 14, 1789”, and “Mr. President, How Long Must American Women Wait For Liberty?”. All 16 were arrested, with one of them a direct descendant of one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, a fact of which Paul made sure the press was aware. 
     The 16 NWP suffragists were sentenced to 60 days in jail. Since a few of the women were well-connected and respected, the harsh sentence was a shock to the public, causing much outrage, and government officials started to worry that they just may have created 16 political martyrs. After three days Wilson pardoned all 16 women in order to try and stop the political bleeding, and some of his advisors recommended that he come out in support of women’s suffrage as a “war measure” in order to stop the protests. By that point it had become a colossal embarrassment to Wilson, a war-time President, that he’d been constantly picketed by women’s suffragists. The NWP in no way wanted to be pardoned by Wilson, in that they hadn’t committed a crime, and so the next NWP banners read: “We Ask Not a Pardon For Ourselves, But Justice For All American Women”. Paul believed that the arrests were over, given that the public outrage was now mostly directed at the government, but soon enough she found out she was wrong. On 23 July 1917 the NWP protests resumed in front of the White House, and NWP protestors continued to be arrested, went to court, then jail, then when released the suffragists headed back to the picket line.


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     Wilson responded to that revolving door and changed his strategy and stopped the arrests, hoping that by simply ignoring Paul and the NWP the protests would end. By early-August 1917, few passersby even gave a glance at the NWP protestors in front of the White House, and the press coverage had dropped to virtually nothing, which led Paul to decide that she needed to do something very controversial in order to regain the attention of the press. On 10 August 1917, NWP protestors held up a banner that read: “Kaiser Wilson, Have You Forgotten Your Sympathy With the Poor Germans Because They Were Not Self-Governed. Take the Beam Out of Your Own Eye”. That banner and subsequent similar ones were incredibly provocative, in that the US was at war with Germany. Anti-German sentiment was so strong in the US during the Great War that frankfurters were renamed hot dogs (or “Liberty Sausage”) and sauerkraut was labeled “Liberty Cabbage”. Also, orchestras giving public performances refused to play anything from a German composer (e.g. Beethoven, so calling Wilson “Kaiser” in a banner crossed the line for millions of Americans. NWP picketers protested with “Kaiser Wilson” banners for six days, and each day the surrounding crowds became larger and angrier. 
     On the first “Kaiser Wilson” banner day, Lucy Burns was thrown into the street by three US sailors, and days later those same sailors went to the NWP office and tore down a “Kaiser Wilson” banner as well as the US flag. Later that same afternoon a shot was fired through a window in the NWP office building, where thankfully no one was injured. Despite all that adversity and violence, NWP picketers kept protesting in front of the White House with their provocative banners, where over 200 banners were destroyed by angry onlookers. On 17 August 1917, Paul was again warned by DC police superintendent Pullman that arrests would still be made if the picketing continued. Shortly thereafter 14 NWP members were arrested, including Lucy Burns, for carrying a banner that read: “Mr. President. How Long Must Women Be Denied a Voice In the Government That Is Conscripting Their Sons?”. The 14 women were sentenced for 30 days, but this time the sentences would be spent in the Occoquan Workhouse in rural VA. The NWP protests continued during September and October as did the arrests, and the convicted suffragists were sent to Occoquan. 


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     On 20 October 1917, Alice Paul and three other NWP suffragists were arrested for displaying a banner that quoted Wilson: “The Time Has Come to Conquer or Submit. For Us Is But One Choice. We Have Made It”. Since she was the leader of the NWP, Paul was sentenced to seven months in jail, as did one of the other suffragists who had been previously arrested many times. Government officials (including Wilson) decided that intimidating Paul hadn’t worked, so they believed a lengthy jail sentence would silence her. On 20 October 1917, Paul started her seven month sentence at Occoquan for obstructing traffic. Paul was very familiar with serving time in prison, having done so numerous times while in London years prior. 
     Paul knew that some women were not equipped to spend time in prison, so she did her best to mentally prepare NWP picketers for the experience if they were sentenced. Paul also made sure to do her best to mentally prepare those women for the physical and mental abuse they would experience at the hands of their jailers. On that front, Paul was incredibly thorough, in that she made sure that suffragists in the NWP that picketed were told of the deplorable conditions in prison, which included filthy blankets, unclean drinking water, intentionally uncomfortable prison uniforms/shoes, open toilets, and denied access to such basics as toothbrushes, toilet paper, etc. And then there was the beyond-disgusting food, where insects were intentionally cooked into the horrific fare, or worms included in uncooked food, such as beans and cornbread. The Occoquan Workhouse had who-knows-how-many rats, which terrified some NWP members more than anything else. The conditions at Occoquan were so awful that some husbands of the NWP protestors that were sent there paid the fines so their wife wouldn’t experience those conditions.


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     Paul sincerely believed that the suffering of the imprisoned NWP suffragists would not be in vain, having faith that their non-violent protests would hasten the day when women earned the right to vote. Paul also believed that the 150+ women at Occoquan would be a public relations nightmare for Wilson during the Great War; before she went to prison, Paul knew that letters written to Wilson that supported the NWP protestors far outnumbered letters that thought he was doing the right thing by taking a hard line. Many newspapers featured articles and editorials that supported the NWP protestors, and it appeared that Paul’s non-violent methods were starting to turn the tide. 
     From the moment she arrived at Occoquan, Paul demanded to be classified as a political prisoner, but she was simply ignored. Paul responded by going on a hunger strike; although she weighed less than 100 pounds and appeared physically frail, Paul was astoundingly mentally strong, and she wanted the nation (and especially Congress and Wilson) to know that she was willing to die for women’s suffrage. Some of Occoquan’s jailers allowed NWP prisoners to communicate with each other via passed notes, which allowed indirect interaction that furthered their collective resolve; soon enough, Paul had around 30 other NWP suffragists joining her in a hunger strike. The warden at Occoquan tried to break their resolve by serving fried chicken and fresh salad, but Lucy Burns, who of course had joined in the hunger strike, refused, which inspired the rank-and-file NWP hunger-strikers  to do the same. 
     The Occoquan warden and top officials in Wilson’s administration in no way wanted to be blamed for the death of Paul, Burns, or any of the NWP hunger-strikers, so after several days (almost certainly with Wilson’s knowledge), the warden ordered the hunger-strikers to be force-fed. Three or four prison guards held down each NWP suffragist, holding her head back, where a doctor then forced a feeding tube down her throat. Then, via a funnel at the top of the tube, a mixture of two raw eggs mixed with very cold milk was forced down their throats; that procedure (torture) was done three times each day. Written accounts of the force-feedings were smuggled out of Occoquan by the visitors of NWP prisoners, which were then given to the press, where a horrified public read about the force-feedings. 
     Newspaper readers learned that the human body doesn’t react well to that type of force-feeding, which included vomiting, bleeding noses, etc. Lucy Burns had been force-fed in prison in Britain, so she knew what to expect, and she made it impossible to force the feeding tube down her throat; the doctor then promptly inserted a smaller tube down her left nostril. Burns’ account reached the newspapers, where readers learned that being force-fed felt like a lead ball had been instantly deposited in their stomach, and her throat, left nostril, and neck muscles were on fire all night and most if not all of the day. 


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     The Occoquan warden threatened Paul that if she refused to eat, she would be transferred to St. Elizabeth’s Insane Asylum; not at all intimidated, Paul continued her hunger strike while temporarily placed in solitary in the psychiatric ward of the prison (for about a week) while Wilson administration officials decided what to do next. On orders from the Occoquan warden (and likely administration officials), every three hours during the night a nurse awakened Paul with a flashlight to her face, which was a form of sleep-depravation torture. When the St. Elizabeth’s Insane Asylum director went to Paul’s cell to evaluate her mental health, he was astounded to see a calm, reasoned, and very polite woman. The director asked Paul a series of questions about suffrage as well as why she opposed Wilson, and Paul answered every question with logical reasoned answers in a calm voice. Paul certainly realized that she was on the brink of “disappearing”, in that well into the 20th Century, women that showed courage were often dismissed as insane. Once that woman “disappeared” into an insane asylum, far too many were never released. Paul made certain that she didn’t go on any rant against Wilson or any other authority figure, and she kept her responses focused on the cause of women’s suffrage and her strategies to achieve the goal of women gaining the right to vote. 
     The director determined that Paul was not mentally ill, and he refused to admit her into his asylum. Paul was then transferred back to the general population at Occoquan to serve out the remainder of her seven month sentence. Paul’s NWP sisters at Occoquan were horrified as to her mistreatment (torture), and news of what had been happening to Paul reached the NWP office, which meant the press also knew. Despite Paul, Burns, and many other NWP protestors being imprisoned at Occoquan, the NWP picketing of the White House continued, as did the arrests, with the repeat “offenders” given harsher sentences. Soon enough, Paul was transferred to the DC jail in order to totally isolate her from the rest of the NWP prisoners at Occoquan, which also meant that NWP protestors that were arrested were automatically sent to Occoquan, not to the DC jail. 
     On what became known as the “Night of Terror” (14 - 15 November 1917), newly-imprisoned NWP suffragists at Occoquan were taken to cold and filthy individual cells. The warden asked the women to identify themselves, and all refused, at which point he ordered his guards to get handcuffs, straitjackets, and ball-gags. When the warden again asked the women to identify themselves, they still refused. One NWP suffragist, Dora Lewis, was not yet in a cell, and again she refused to identify herself when asked by the warden. NWP suffragists already in their cell saw Lewis dragged to and then thrown into her cell; they thought Lewis was dead, but seconds later she assured her NWP sisters that she was okay. It was at that point that the warden threatened to gag the women if they were not quiet, but Lucy Burns kept asking her NWP sisters if they were okay (in effect taking roll), and the warden warned her to shut up, but Burns refused to do so. Moments later Burns was handcuffed around a bar above her head in her cell (which is another form of torture); when she was released the next morning, Burns’ wrists were bruised and very swollen. After the “Night of Terror”, several other NWP suffragists went on a hunger strike (on her end, Paul had not stopped her hunger strike), protesting their incredibly harsh treatment. 


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15) Alice Paul & Lucy Burns: 10 January - 20 June 1917

6/23/2026

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                  Source: Winifred Conkling. Votes For Women! 
                                American Suffragists and the Battle for the Ballot (2018)
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    On 10 January 1917, Alice Paul and 11 other women suffragists left their NWP office building and walked to the White House. As the women walked they presented themselves as a unified group of respectable middle-class women bundled-up in the winter cold. Passersby read their two banners, one which read “How Long Must Women Wait For Liberty?” (Inez Milholland Boissevain’s last words), with the other reading, “Mr. President, What Will You Do For Woman Suffrage?”. The other eight women in the group carried colored banners of purple, white, and gold, which were the colors of the women’s suffrage movement. When the twelve women reached the White House, they split into two groups of six, with one group going to the east entrance and the other to the west entrance. Both groups stood beside their gate with their backs to the wall/fence, holding their banners high for people to see. Paul told the twelve women if the police came by and told them they couldn’t stand still on the sidewalk in that manner, they should walk around just enough to satisfy the law (which was probably designed to discourage loitering, etc), and to not return to NWP HQ until their shift was over. 
    From 9 am to 1 pm, the two groups of women stood as still as possible, and then they were relieved by two other groups that took the 1 pm - 5 pm shift. Paul told all the NWP White House protestors that while they were “on the clock”, they needed to remain silent, not even talking to each other;  Paul’s no-talking rule was paramount, in that their silence was designed to make passersby uncomfortable. Paul knew from her Quaker upbringing that silence very often led to discomfort in others, and very soon those women suffrage protestors in front of the White House were labeled the “Silent Sentinels” by the press. If someone asked what they were doing, one woman was tasked with answering very directly that they were protesting for the right to vote for women and nothing more. Wilson wasn’t in the White House when Paul and the other 11 initial NWP protestors arrived at 9 am, in that with the beyond-mild January weather he had quietly slipped out of the White House to play a round of golf, where he returned at 10:40 am. As his car entered the gate, Wilson stared - for the first time people were protesting in front of the White House, and he simply didn’t know what to do. When his car passed by, he tipped his hat in their direction, but he didn’t smile.

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     On the second day of picketing the White House, winter weather returned, with the temperature around 32 degrees and a wind-chill that felt like the temperature was in the upper-teens. Safe, warm, and toasty in the White House, Wilson watched the protestors from a window, and he asked the head usher to invite them inside for coffee or tea. Several minutes later the usher returned, informing Wilson that they had “indignantly refused”. In order to cope with the cold, the “Silent Sentinels” walked on wooden planks instead of the cold sidewalk, and they also stood on heated bricks trying to trap warmth under their skirts. The strategy of the “Silent Sentinels” was a game-changer for Paul and the women’s suffrage movement, in that lobbying over the last few years since Wilson entered office hadn’t moved the needle much towards government action or public support. Paul wanted to do something dramatic but in a non-violent manner, forcing the question of women’s suffrage on Wilson each day. Picketing in front of the White House was actually suggested by Harriot Stanton Blatch (Elizabeth Cady Stanton’s youngest daughter), and while it wasn’t Paul’s idea, she fully embraced it and organized the picketing. To Paul, the symbolism of standing outside the White House was a visual that showed women had been denied participating in the nation’s political process for far too long. 
     There were some women suffragists that wanted a far more militant and aggressive strategy, while others wanted to keep lobbying and in no way upset the apple cart; Paul’s strategy with the “Silent Sentinels” was basically a middle-ground between the two opposite ways of thinking. With rare exceptions, the “Silent Sentinels” protested every day except Sunday, in the snow, rain, and in the summer’s heat and humidity. Paul made sure the press was informed about who was protesting (e.g. women only from MD, or women from a specific university), and over time nearly 2000 women from about half the states took part in the “Silent Sentinel” protests in front of the White House. Some female picketers were as young as 19 and others as old as 80, and while some women picketed only once, many others did so multiple times, some of them regularly. Overall the “Silent Sentinels” received encouragement and smiles, and were even asked to pose for photographs. On the other side of the coin, Paul received letters complaining about her strategy, including one from her own mother, but Paul refused to back down.


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     On 4 March 1917, the NWP was holding its national convention on the same day of Wilson’s 2nd Inauguration, and most of the attendees wanted to show their support for the “Silent Sentinels” by taking part in a huge picket of around a thousand women, where they walked around the block surrounding the White House four times (which equaled four miles). A reporter from the New York Sun stated that before Alice Paul and the “Silent Sentinels”, the word suffrage rarely appeared in the press, but now the word appeared virtually every day. Another reporter stated that the spectacle of 1000+ women protesting for the right to vote in front of the White House on Inauguration Day was an impressive sight, especially due to the awful weather. 
     As the “Silent Sentinels” kept picketing, the banners they used needed to communicate the right message to Wilson, passersby, as well as for newspaper photographs, so Paul changed the wording on the banners in order to keep the messaging fresh and on point (e.g. “Democracy Should Begin At Home”, and “Resistance to Tyranny is Obedience to God”). Paul also paid attention to the calendar in terms of messaging, for example on Lincoln’s birthday during February 1917, a banner was shown that read: “Lincoln Stood For Woman Suffrage Sixty Years Ago - Mr. President, You Block the National Suffrage Amendment Today. Why Are You Behind Lincoln?”. 
     As the picketing in front of the White House continued, more women’s suffragists came out in opposition to Paul’s strategy. NAWSA was virulently opposed to the “Silent Sentinels”, viewing the picketing as pure harassment of Wilson at the hands of Paul, with NAWSA president Carrie Chapman Catt stating that the picketers were “. . . unwise and unprofitable to the cause”. Conservative women’s suffragists viewed the picketing as unwomanly and just plain rude behavior, and by then Wilson had also tired of the “Silent Sentinels” to the point where he asked (code for “demanding”) the press to limit its coverage of the picketers. Editors from two DC newspapers agreed to do so, but the Washington Post refused, saying that their readers deserved to know what was happening with the “Silent Sentinels”. 


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     On 2 April 1917, Wilson asked Congress for a declaration of war against Germany. Among the new members of the 65th Congress was the first female member of the House of Representatives, Jeannette Rankin (R; MT; she would serve only one term, but was later re-elected in 1940). Many Americans were keen on knowing where Rankin stood in terms of declaring war on Germany, in that she was a committed pacifist under pressure from many of her constituents to support Wilson. A few days before the House voted on declaring war, Catt and the other leaders of NAWSA visited Rankin and urged her to vote in favor of declaring war. Catt and the other NAWSA leaders were afraid that if Rankin voted no she would make women as a whole appear weak, which Catt believed would severely weaken the women’s suffrage movement. On that point Alice Paul disagreed; the night before the House voted, Paul visited Rankin and encouraged her to vote against declaring war, arguing that doing so would send the message that the possibility of war would be far less if there were more women in power. 
     Rankin didn’t tell Catt or Paul how she would vote, in that despite being a committed pacifist, she was actually on the fence as far as how she would vote. At 3 pm on 6 April 1917, the House started its roll call vote on the resolution declaring war against Germany. When Rankin’s name was called she didn’t respond, and the clerk moved on with the roll call. A few minutes later the clerk called on Rankin again, and she knew the time had come to vote one way or the other. Rankin said, “I want to stand by my country, but I cannot vote for war. I vote no”. However, when Rankin said “I vote no”, she did so in such a low voice that few in the chamber heard her, so she was forced to yell out “No!”. After doing so, Rankin covered her face and wept, which did her no favors in the eyes of the eager-to-go-to-war male representatives in the chamber. The final roll call vote in the House was 373 in favor of declaring war on Germany and 50 against (two days earlier, on 4 April 1917 the Senate voted 82-6 to declare war on Germany).  The Helena Independent referred to Rankin as a “dupe of the Kaiser” and a “crying schoolgirl”, in spite of the fact that a majority of Montanans opposed declaring war on Germany (Jeannette Rankin was the sole member of the House that represented MT), Catt viewed Rankin’s vote as a blatant act of cowardice, while Paul publicly praised Rankin’s courage. 


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     With the US officially at war, women’s suffragists had to decide whether-or-not to suspend their efforts, as the first wave of women’s suffrage leaders had done during the Civil War. NAWSA decided to stand with Wilson and back the war effort, hoping that their support and cooperation would lead to his support of the “Anthony Amendment”. Alice Paul and the radical wing of the women’s suffrage movement didn’t live in that fantasyland, knowing that the women’s suffrage movement faced more hurdles after the Civil War due to government indifference and inaction. Like Rankin, Paul was a pacifist, but she went out of her way to avoid criticizing pro-war women’s suffragists or the war, focusing solely on gaining the right to vote for women, which led Paul and the NWP decide that the best strategy was to picket a war-time President.
     Catt demanded that Paul stop the picketing, claiming it was an “. . . unwanted discourtesy to the President and a futile annoyance” to Congress, and that war-time picketing was “hurting our cause”. Catt issued a public statement to Wilson that pledged NAWSA’s support for the war, and Catt accepted Wilson’s invitation to serve on the Woman’s Committee of the Council of National Defense. While Catt was all-in with Wilson and the war, Paul and the NWP argued that Wilson’s support of democracy as a reason to go to war contradicted his refusal to support full democracy at home, specifically by not endorsing women’s suffrage. It was at that point where Paul’s militancy began, starting with using Wilson’s own words against him. Paul and the NWP put quotes from Wilson on their banners (e.g. “The World Must Be Made Safe For Democracy”), in order to show his hypocrisy on the home front. Paul admitted that doing so was a major turning point, saying, “That’s when the militancy really began”. 


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     When the NWP found out that government representatives from Russia were coming to see Wilson on 20 June 1917, Alice Paul and Lucy Burns decided to turn up the heat. At around noon that day, Burns and another NWP member went to the White House gate where they knew the car carrying the Russian envoys would arrive at 12:30 pm. At 12:23 pm Burns and the other suffragist unfurled their banner, which read: “To the Russian Envoys: We the Women of America Tell You That America Is Not a Democracy. Twenty Million American Women Are Denied the Right to Vote. President Wilson is the Chief Opponent of Their National Enfranchisement. Help Us Make This Nation Really Free. Tell Our Government It Must Liberate Its People Before It Can Claim Russia As An Ally”. At 12:30 pm the Russian envoys arrived at the gate, where the Russians may-or-may-not have been able to read the very wordy banner in English. However, the real audience were the passersby, the press, and especially Wilson. 
     Some of the people on the street that read the banner shouted “Traitors” and “Treason”, but Burns and the other suffragist stood stoically and didn’t respond. After more verbal insults, a man urged others to help him tear down the banner, and when that was done, that man used a penknife to cut the banner from the poles. Paul knew the banner would cause a very angry response from the public, and she issued a press release that stated that the lack of democracy at home weakened Wilson’s justification for American involvement in the war in Europe. The next day a duplicate banner appeared in front of the White House, and soon enough thousands of people surrounded the NWP protestors. A wife of an Army officer spit on the NWP protestors, tore down the banner, and then stomped all over the banner once it was on the ground. To Wilson, Alice Paul and the NWP had crossed a line, and he was now ready to flex his Presidential muscles in response.


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14) Alice Paul: March 1913 - Late-November 1916

6/22/2026

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                  Source: Winifred Conkling. Votes For Women! 
                                American Suffragists and the Battle for the Ballot (2018)
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     Before the parade, Paul and her NAWSA committee worked to raise money for the event, selling buttons, flags, banners, and sashes in addition to fund-raising letters and phone calls. The total expenses for the parade were $13,750 (a little over $450k in 2025 dollars), and all the bills were paid in full. So, while the parade had degenerated into a riot due to the intentional inaction of the DC police and mobs of drunken angry white men, the parade was debt-free. Paul wasn’t a person that rested after a mission was accomplished, in that two weeks after the parade, she and a few of her sister suffragists met with President Wilson in order to ask for his support for women getting the right to vote. Wilson politely informed Paul and the others that he had not yet considered the matter so therefore he had not yet formed an opinion. In the following weeks, Paul was able to meet with Wilson twice more, and both times he gave the same answer, which no doubt angered Paul. 
     Unlike the first generation of women’s suffrage leaders, Paul refused to be patient. Understanding the power of the press, Paul used the newspapers to force the issue of women’s suffrage back onto the national political landscape. A month after the parade, Paul gathered 531 women, two women for each state (representing the Senate) plus one woman for each district in the House, and they walked the parade route in reverse, from the White House to the Capitol. Each of the 531 women hand-delivered a petition to each member of the Senate and House, and while far less elaborate, Paul’s publicity stunt garnered quite a bit of attention in the press. 
     By mid-April 1913, Paul had started the Congressional Union for Woman Suffrage (CUWS), an organization that was solely dedicated to add the amendment to the Constitution guaranteeing women the right to vote. The CUWS worked with NAWSA, and in addition to the normal fare of petitions, etc., the CUWS published “The Suffragist”, which kept readers updated on the organization’s progress, or lack thereof, given Congressional and Presidential inaction. The CUWS also created “suffrage schools” to educate women about the benefits of gaining the right to vote, which created grassroots support to pressure members of Congress. The success of the CUWS forced Paul to find new office space, moving from a basement office to a building where the organization was able to use ten rooms on two floors. 


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     While the CUWS was moving forward and growing, Anna Howard Shaw and Carrie Chapman Catt, the leaders of NAWSA, worried that Paul’s organization was growing too powerful too fast. Shaw and Catt were particularly worried that the CUWS was eclipsing NAWSA in influence and optics, in that the two groups were now competing for volunteers and raising funds. At the annual NAWSA convention during December 1913, the efforts of the CUWS were lauded, but there were also expressions of concern that Paul’s organization had become too independent. Shaw, Catt, and many others in NAWSA didn’t want Paul to use any of the controversial methods from the British “suffragettes”; in effect, Shaw, Catt, et al viewed Paul as a loose cannon, and that she needed to be reined-in. It was decided at the convention that the CUWS could remain part of NAWSA only if Paul agreed that NAWSA leaders controlled the finances of the CUWS and as well as approving its actions in advance. Paul had created an independent organization, and she in no way was going to give NAWSA any power to limit her actions, so Paul not only refused, she then separated the CUWS from NAWSA, making it a standalone women’s suffrage organization. 
     While in Britain, Paul learned that the political party in power needed to be held responsible for not granting the right to vote for women, and that the “Blame-the-Party-in-Power” approach worked very well. However, that strategy didn’t directly translate to the US governmental structure, in that the President was elected separately from Congress, and often the other party controlled one or both of the houses in Congress. Also, the President could not force Congress to propose an amendment (which required a two-thirds supermajority in each chamber), nor three-quarters of the states to ratify the amendment. That being said, Paul went all-in with attacking the party in power, which during 1913 were the Democrats; it was a strategy of which most women’s suffragists opposed. Paul’s overall strategy in being far more confrontational (a la British “suffragettes”) was to convince a critical mass in Congress to work towards officially proposing the “Anthony Amendment”. 
     NAWSA strongly objected to Paul’s strategies, but Paul remained unyielding. Paul and her sister suffragists went to the (mostly Western) states that had granted the right to vote for women and campaigned against ALL Democrats, even those that had supported women’s suffrage. Paul told anyone that would listen, whether in support or opposition, that her strategies would work in the long run, meaning years, not decades. Paul calculated that if Democrats in Congress felt that they might be voted out of office, they would at long last support the women’s suffrage amendment. 


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     Like almost all past (and future) Presidents, Wilson kept dodging in terms of dealing with an issue which he wasn’t forced to confront. As 1914 progressed, Wilson hadn’t yet stated whether he was for or against women’s suffrage, and he hoped/expected that the issue would remain on the backburner during his time in office. However, Paul made it her mission to keep Wilson from retreating to his comfort zone on the issue. Most women suffragists supported Wilson, hoping that in return he’d support them, but Paul in no way wanted any part of that strategy, seeing it as beyond-useless pandering to the patriarchy. Instead, Paul and the CUWS started work to campaign against Wilson’s re-election in 1916, which was a strategy in direct conflict with NAWSA’s approach. Shaw and Catt believed that Wilson was sympathetic to their cause, even if he had (repeatedly) told them to be patient; the two NAWSA leaders in no way wanted Paul to antagonize Wilson to the point where he would come out in opposition to women’s suffrage. 
     During 1914, once again the women’s suffrage movement split into two competing organizations, with the larger and more established NAWSA supporting Wilson while also focusing on the state-by-state strategy. Paul’s radical CUWS focused on the federal amendment as well as attacking Wilson for his lack of support. Paul hired twenty railcars, decorating them with anti-Democrat banners, and sent them on a whistle-stop tour campaigning against 20 Democrats seeking re-election in the midterms, all of whom were anti-women’s suffrage. On the surface Paul’s strategy seemed to work, in that for the first time since 1887, during January 1915 the Senate held a vote to propose the “Anthony Amendment”. While the Senate vote didn’t come close to the required two-thirds supermajority, at least the vote was conducted, which to Paul represented serious progress. Also, it seemed that Democrats in Congress that were opposed to women’s suffrage could now be held accountable. 
     However, a closer look at the Senate vote showed that of the 96 Senators, over one-third didn’t bother to vote. Abstaining from voting was a passive-aggressive way to show opposition while also avoiding having their vote entered into the Congressional Record (only 35 Senators voted in favor of proposing the amendment, when 65 were needed). Several months later during 1915, the House considered the amendment, where the vote was 204 against and 174 in favor; the 63rd Congress was the first to have 435 members, which meant the two-thirds mark was 292 votes. While there was still a long road ahead, at least the issue of women’s suffrage received floor votes in both the House and the Senate, which to both NAWSA and the CUWS represented concrete progress.


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     During 1915 Carrie Chapman Catt took over the leadership of NAWSA, and during the Presidential Election Year of 1916, she launched what she called the “Winning Plan”; she didn’t inform the rank-and-file NAWSA members of her plan, but she did promise a “. . . red-hot never-ceasing campaign”. In essence, Catt’s plan was to pursue both state and federal levels to secure the right to vote for women, working for progress on both fronts wherever possible. In states where women could vote, the focus was on pressuring the state’s Congressional slate to support the amendment, and in states that were on the fence, the focus was on gaining at least partial voting rights for women (e.g. local elections) if not total voting rights. Catt truly believed that her plan would lead to the ratification of the “Anthony Amendment” within six years.  
     Wilson knew it would be a tight race running for re-election, and he needed as much support as possible from as many voting blocs as possible. Therefore, Wilson played nice with Catt and NAWSA, welcoming her and the other leaders of the association at the White House. During June 1916, Wilson informed Catt that he would encourage the inclusion of the passage of women’s suffrage on the Democratic Party’s platform at its upcoming national convention. Also that same month, Paul founded the National Woman’s Party (NWP), yet another organization solely dedicated to women’s suffrage (Paul’s CUWS was absorbed into the NWP during 1917). 
     During September 1916, Wilson accepted an invitation to speak at the annual NAWSA convention, which was held in DC, where he assured members that they would soon be triumphant. When Anna Howard Shaw pressed Wilson as to whether that would occur during his Presidency (meaning his second term), he didn’t promise anything. Then, during October 1916 in the final weeks before the election, Wilson declared his official support for the amendment, no doubt wanting to carry as many of the twelve states where women could already vote for President (AZ, CA, CO, ID, IL, KS, MT, NV, UT, OR, WA, and WY), which represented 91 Electoral Votes (266 was the magic number in the Electoral College to be elected President in 1916). Paul in no way going to beg for Wilson’s tepid support, knowing full well that he was pandering for votes.


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      After her eye-opening appearance on her beloved white horse during the women’s suffrage parade on 3 March 1913, Inez Milholland Boissevain kept working hard for the right to vote for women. During October 1916 while in Los Angeles working on behalf of the NWP, Boissevain collapsed, and a month later died at the age of only 30. Boissevain had been suffering from pernicious anemia (a shortage of red blood cells due to a severe lack of vitamin B-12), and despite her family’s concerns and doctor’s warnings, she nonetheless went to Los Angeles to campaign for women’s suffrage. Boissevain’s final words before her collapse were, “Mr. President, how long must women wait for liberty?”. With today’s medical care, Boissevain would have been treated and been able to properly manage her affliction,, but with the medical care of the era, her condition rapidly declined while in the hospital, where she died on 25 November 1916. Boissevain’s last phrase became the rallying cry for the entire women’s suffrage movement, and Wilson heard that phrase probably as often as LBJ heard, “Hey, Hey, LBJ, How Many Kids Have You Killed Today” during the Vietnam War. Paul in particular used Boissevain’s last phrase in her lobbying efforts, where she also tracked members of Congress in terms of their support, opposition, or fence-sitting. With plenty of assistance from the NWP, Paul compiled information about each member of Congress, trying to find out any possible cudgel to use in order to convince them to support women’s suffrage. Not long after Wilson narrowly won re-election (by a single state), Paul planned a new form of protest. One woman in her CUWS contingent wore an oversize brown coat and was made to appear pregnant, but underneath her coat she had hidden a banner. Paul, the fake pregnant woman, and eight other suffragists in the CUWS  had obtained ten tickets to hear Wilson’s first speech to Congress since his re-election (no other President spoke in front of Congress more often than Wilson), and they arrived early and went upstairs to the balcony that overlooked the House floor. During Wilson’s speech, the ten women, all sitting together in the same front balcony row, had part of the huge banner on their lap. At Paul’s signal, they all stood and unfurled the banner down from the balcony’s railing, where in bold black lettering the banner read: “Mr President, What Will You Do For Woman Suffrage?”. Wilson looked up during his speech, noticed the banner, but he ignored it and kept speaking. A nearby usher moved over and removed the banner while Paul and the nine other women remained seated and politely listened to the rest of Wilson’s speech. The next day newspapers ran headlines such as “Suffragists Bother Wilson”; it would not be the last time that Wilson heard from Alice Paul and the CUWS/NWP. 

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13) The Women's Suffrage Parade: 3 March 1913

6/16/2026

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                  Source: Winifred Conkling. Votes For Women! 
                                American Suffragists and the Battle for the Ballot (2018)
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    Alice Paul wanted to organize a women’s suffrage parade in DC, complete with floats, bands, and thousands of marchers from across the nation. Paul wanted an event so bold-and-beautiful that Congress and the nation would understand that a new generation of women’s suffragists were on the scene, and that it was time to give serious consideration that women deserved the right to vote. Paul wanted the parade to occur on 3 March 1913, the day before President-Elect Woodrow Wilson would be inaugurated. A wary NAWSA leadership told Paul that she could have her parade, but she would have to raise the money for the event on her own without the association’s help. Instead of complaining, Paul busied herself with organizing the parade, with the first thing on the list finding office space. She found a basement room under a real estate firm on F Street in DC for $60/month (which was very expensive), but Paul knew the location would attract volunteers just by walking past the sign outside the office. Paul signed the lease even though she didn’t have the money in the bank to pay even the first month’s rent. 
     Next on her list, Paul met with the DC police superintendent in order to obtain a permit for the parade, not wanting any problems with the authorities. The police superintendent told Paul that her parade route would pass by many saloons, which would lead to many drunk men causing problems, and he didn’t have nearly enough police to cover the parade given that the Inaugural Parade was the very next day. The police superintendent suggested another date and route, but Paul insisted on using Pennsylvania Avenue from the Capitol to the White House, wanting women to march where countless men had previously marched. Paul wanted the date to remain the same in order to gain maximum attention, since the  nation’s press would already be in DC for the Inauguration. 
     The police superintendent didn’t agree to Paul’s requests (demands), so she launched a public campaign blitz where she made it clear that women’s suffragists had the “. . . right to the Avenue”, and she was able to bring on board significant community groups such as the Chamber of Commerce and the Merchant’s Association. Then Paul asked women suffragists that had marched in NYC suffrage parades to contact the DC police superintendent to assure him that the parade would be no problem in terms of safety. Under pressure from local business leaders in particular, the police superintendent eventually agreed to Paul’s request for permission to conduct her parade on 3 March 1913 along Pennsylvania Avenue. However, now that Paul had her parade, she worried that it would be a total flop, especially compared to the NYC women’s suffrage parades which had become an annual tradition.


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     While Paul was physically diminutive (she weighed less than 100 pounds) she possessed an intensity and passion for the cause that inspired those that worked with-and-around her, and it was incredibly hard to tell Paul “no”. After a key volunteer quit, Paul asked why, and the woman told her that Paul hadn’t thanked her enough for what she had been doing for the cause. Paul didn’t make that mistake again, in that she made sure to vocally and visibly demonstrate her appreciation for those that worked with/around her, both collectively and individually. Paul’s skill of getting the most out of those volunteers under her charge helped her to accomplish the daunting details in terms of planning for the parade. 
     Paul wanted purple, white, and green flags for the parade, but among others Anna Howard Shaw objected, telling Paul that in no universe would she march with the same colors as the British “suffragettes”. To Paul the objections were beyond-petty, but she changed the green to gold, where the colors for the parade were purple (for justice), white (for purity), and gold (for courage). Paul intended that the women marchers dress in solid colors and then to be arranged to create a sort of rainbow effect, where social workers, teachers, and businesswomen wore blue, artists, actresses, and musicians wore rose, etc., in order to create that kaleidoscope of colors. 
     Two weeks before the parade, Paul realized there would be far more than her planned 2000 marchers, and when Paul asked the DC police superintendent for additional protection, he told her that he was maxed-out on that front. Soon enough however, the police superintendent changed his mind, informing Paul that there would be 575 officers present at the parade over the original 367, but Paul still worried about the safety of the marchers. One of the women suffragists that worked with Paul took her to see SecWar Henry Stimson, who was her brother-in-law. When Paul explained her safety concerns about the parade, Stimson promised to send the US Cavalry if necessary, even arranging for the 15th Cavalry  to move from Fort Myer (VA) to the outskirts of DC. 


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     The weather in DC for the women’s suffrage parade on 3 March 1913 was gorgeous, with high temperatures in the mid-50s. The 1.5 mile long parade was scheduled to start at 3 pm and end at 5 pm, but crowds for the parade started to gather during the morning. By noon the streets near the Capitol where the parade would begin were packed with onlookers as well as parade participants, and by the early-afternoon the crowd had grown dangerously large, where trolley service was canceled in an emergency order until after the parade. As many as 8000 women arrived to take part in the parade, a number far greater than Paul had envisioned. Also, there were at least 200k onlookers, perhaps as many as 300k, lining Pennsylvania Avenue to watch the parade. 
     The marchers were organized into their groups via colored flags so all knew where to go, except the African-American women marchers. During early-January 1913, an African-American woman asked Paul if she could be part of the parade, and Paul said that she would be welcome. When word spread that some African-American women suffragists would participate in the parade, Southern white women suffragists loudly complained, flat-out stating that if even one African-American woman suffragist was involved, then hordes of white women suffragists would bolt from the parade. Paul didn’t want race to interfere with her event, which meant that she wasn’t going to risk the parade by taking a stand for the inclusion of African-American women suffragists, so she did her best to keep the imbrogilio out of the press. 
     However, African-American women suffragists wouldn’t back off from their demand to participate in the parade, which led Paul to offer a compromise, that they could march as a bloc at the back of the parade; Paul’s compromise pretty much offended every woman suffragist, both pro-and-con on the matter. A few days before the parade, Paul received a telegram which read: “We have application for a colored woman to march - Will Negro woman be admitted to the suffrage parade - Answer - Quick”. The African-American woman suffragist in question was Ida Wells-Barnett, who was coming from Chicago to march with her suffrage sisters from IL.
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     Ida Wells-Barnett was a prominent figure, in that she was a founding member of the NAACP, a notable writer, a leader in the national campaign against lynching, and the founder of the Alpha Suffrage Club, the first group to actively work for African-American women’s suffrage. Paul telegraphed back, saying that Wells-Barnett could join the parade, believing that she could figure out a solution to her dilemma before the parade started. However, during the morning of the parade, the issue of where African-American women suffragists marched remained unresolved, and that same morning Wells-Barnett arrived in DC with 62 other IL women suffragists, all of them white.  When those 63 gathered in the area where the order of the marchers in the parade was being organized, Wells-Barnett was told by the leader of her group that Paul had advised them to keep their delegation “all white”, and that Wells-Barnett was to join the other African-American women suffragists at the back of the parade. Many women in that group of 63 objected, wanting all of their IL contingent to be together, and all turned to Wells-Barnett to see what she had to say. 
     With tears streaming down her cheeks, Wells-Barnett said it was time to take a stand for all women. The 62 white women decided to challenge Paul’s dictate and directly requested that they march together, but the other women’s suffrage leaders that were helping Paul organize the parade refused, which left Wells-Barnett in a dilemma, in that she wanted to march with her white sisters from IL, but in no way did she want to march at the end of the parade with her sister African-American suffragists. When Wells-Barnett turned and walked away, all involved in that “discussion” figured that she had given up and would join the African-American women suffragists at the back of the parade. As reported in the Chicago Tribune, when the IL group started to march in the parade, Wells-Barnett suddenly appeared from the crowd of onlookers and joined her group, and her white sisters from IL made room for her, and they marched as a complete IL contingent in the parade.


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     The women’s suffrage parade in DC didn’t begin until 3:25 pm, where a young female attorney, Inez Milholland Boissevain led the procession. Boissevain was dressed in a white gown and a pale-blue cloak, riding on Grey Dawn, her white horse; many onlookers described Boissevain as a modern-day Joan of Arc. Paul wanted a visual attention-getter for the start of the parade, and Boissevain more than fit that bill. Behind Boissevain two horses pulled a cart with a model of the Liberty Bell with a banner that read: “We Demand an Amendment to the Constitution of the United States Enfranchising the Women of This Country”. After the cart came women on floats, on horseback and on foot; overall there were 26 horse-drawn floats, six golden chariots, ten marching bands, and six mounted brigades ready to take part in the parade.. Many of the thousands of women suffragists that paraded on foot wore badges or sashes that read “Votes For Women”. 
     DC police had strung half-inch steel cables on the sidewalks to restrain the crowd, and police escorts on horseback were in front of Boissevain forming a wedge for the parade to follow down Pennsylvania Avenue, followed by 16 officers on foot. However, as soon as the police escort passed, onlookers ignored the steel cable barriers and pressed towards the marchers. The parade had started with four women across, but then shifted to three across, then two, and then to single file. Before marching even a few blocks, a howling mob had stopped the parade. Most of that mob were drunk men, and according to the Washington Post, the women marchers had to fight their way foot-by-foot in order to move forward. Drunk men verbally insulted the women marchers (e.g. “Why don’t you go home and cook dinner?”), and some in the mob snatched banners and climbed aboard floats, yelling obscenities and groping women, in some cases using canes to knock off women’s hats (some of the drunk men threw lighted cigarettes at the women, and some even spit on them). 
      Mounted police were present, but none lifted a finger or moved an inch to come to the rescue for the women marchers; most of those police were actually laughing as the riot occurred right in front of them (one of the mounted policemen told a pleading woman marcher that none of this would be happening to her if she would have stayed home). The only assistance the women marchers received were from the 400 Boy Scouts along the parade route, who did their best to discourage the drunk mob of men. Alice Paul and Lucy Burns pushed their way to the front of the parade, which was very slow going in that they had to fight off the male mob to move forward. Finally, the police sent for help, where a regiment of national guard troops on hand for the Inauguration pushed the mob back at an intersection. Then, as promised, the 15th Cavalry arrived and restored order, making it possible for the parade to continue. However, the women marchers continued to be stalled and accosted by aggressive/drunk men, but the parade finally reached the end of their route near the White House, hours behind schedule.


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     The day after the parade, Harriot Stanton Blatch sent newly-inaugurated President Woodrow Wilson a telegram, as well as releasing it to the press. Blatch’s telegram called out the President for allowing the women’s suffrage parade to degenerate into a riot while his Inaugural Parade was all pomp and circumstance, 100% safe for the participants of the parade, almost entirely composed of men. On her end, Paul immediately started to gather notarized depositions from women marchers to show the intentional failings of the DC police, in that she heard there would be a Senate committee hearing concerning the women’s suffrage parade, and she wanted to submit accurate accounts of what occurred. The press coverage of the women’s suffrage parade exceeded Paul’s wildest hopes, in that the riot drew far more attention than had the parade gone smoothly without incident. Paul wrote to a friend that the newspaper coverage of the riot “. . . aroused a great deal of public indignation and sympathy” for women’s suffrage. Published accounts of the parade, including the Washington Post and the Woman’s Journal, accurately reported that the women marchers behaved and comported themselves properly, while the male onlookers, far too many of them drunk, were the cause for the dangerous mob. 
     The Senate held two weeks of committee hearings concerning the women’s suffrage parade in DC, where over 150 witnesses testified, all saying the DC police not only didn’t make a move to protect them, but many laughed and enjoyed what was happening to them at the hands of the drunken male mobs. When the DC police superintendent testified, he stated for the record, “I did my duty”. The Senate committee censured the police superintendent, and while he wasn’t immediately removed from his post, he soon enough was shown the door when a myriad of other charges and complaints against him became public. No one blamed Paul for the parade devolving into a riot, with Anna Howard Shaw lavishing praise at Paul’s “splendid work”, while also publicly stating that the riot at the parade would advance the cause of women’s suffrage.


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12) "Passing the Torch": 1890 - 1912

6/15/2026

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                  Source: Winifred Conkling. Votes For Women! 
                                American Suffragists and the Battle for the Ballot (2018)
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     At the NAWSA annual convention during February 1890, Susan B. Anthony resigned as the association’s president at the age of 80. During that time, Anthony looked both backward and forward, writing to Stanton that the “. . . hardships of the last half-century are forgotten”. There had been some progress on women’s rights, such as in three-quarters of the states a woman could own property, and in two-thirds of the states women could keep their own wages. However, there was still a long way to go, especially in the ultra-conservative South. 
     The question at the convention was who would succeed Anthony as president of NAWSA, and most members thought Anna Howard Shaw was the favorite. Shaw was a female Methodist minister and was part of Anthony’s inner circle, and was a very effective public speaker. Shaw was also very well educated, in that she had attended medical school at the age of 35. Anthony had also worked closely with Carrie Chapman Catt, who was a great organizer and fund-raiser, and she had been a key figure in women gaining the right to vote in CO. Anthony knew and admired Shaw, but she knew that Catt was the far better choice to succeed her as president of NAWSA, telling the members at the convention that she was the “ideal leader”. 
     Not long after the convention, a “retired” Anthony worked feverishly to make up a funding shortfall at the University of Rochester. The lack of funds meant not only that women were not able to be admitted, but women that had already been admitted were not enrolled. Anthony found the situation intolerable and she even offered her $2000 life insurance policy to seal the deal, at which point the girls that had been refused admission were enrolled. Two days later Anthony suffered a stroke which left her unable to speak; over the next several months, Anthony was able to talk again, but her level of vitality was never the same.


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     While ECS and Anthony had remained close friends, they no longer spent much if any time together. ECS was for all practical purposes blind due to cataracts, and she had developed a weak heart, but her mind remained sharp. During May 1902, Anthony spent a week at ECS’s home, and when Anthony said goodbye, both understood that moment was almost certainly the last time they’d see each other. In order to make her departure easier, Anthony promised to return for ECS’s 87th birthday later that year during November. After Anthony returned to Rochester (NY), she wrote ECS a letter, where she lamented that the next generation would have to carry the mantle of women’s suffrage. In that same letter Anthony also celebrated the fact that the next generation was better prepared on all fronts given the progress of women’s rights over the last half-century. 
     On 25 October 1902, Elizabeth Cady Stanton asked her daughter (Harriot) to help her with her hair and to get dressed, where she then stood erect in front of the mirror for several minutes; it seemed to Harriot that her mother was mentally giving a speech to an unseen crowd. The next day, 26 October 1902, Anthony received a telegram from Harriot, which read: “Mother passed away at three o’clock”. Just hours later, reporters knocked on Anthony’s door asking for a statement on ECS’s death. Anthony stated that if she had died first, she had no doubt that ECS would have made an elegant statement about their friendship, but she, not being nearly as eloquent, could not adequately describe what ECS meant to her. However, given some time Anthony had a far more complete response for another reporter, saying that the best part of their lives together was during the days when the struggle was the hardest and the world was against them, where they had to stand together and support each other in order to continue the movement. 
     The next day Anthony traveled by train to NYC for a private funeral for ECS, which would be held in her apartment. ECS had made her funeral arrangements in advance, making her wishes very explicit, which included that she would wear one of her ordinary dresses, and nothing black. ECS also wanted next to her casket the table where she wrote the draft of the Declaration of Sentiments that was presented at the Seneca Falls Convention in 1848, and on her casket a framed photograph of Susan B. Anthony to be placed for her family and friends to see.


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     In the last years of her life, Anthony ignored the advice of her doctors, who told her that she needed to take things easy after her stroke. Anthony traveled to 18 states and to Europe in her final few years, finished editing the fourth (of eventually six) volume of the “History of Woman Suffrage”, and she attended six more annual NAWSA conventions and four Congressional hearings. While Anthony received applause, affection, and gratitude wherever she went, those accolades fell far short of the support from Congress that she had been demanding for decades. During 1902, Anthony appeared for her last time in front of the Senate Select Committee on Woman Suffrage, having done so many years prior. Anthony challenged the Senators, asking how much longer would the injustice and outrage continue as far as the denial of the right to vote for women. 
     Anthony was in DC on 15 February 1906 for her 86th birthday celebration, where among those that wrote her well-wishes was President Theodore Roosevelt. Anthony then stood and went to the center of the stage, telling the adoring crowd that she wished men in power would do something else other than to extend congratulations, singling out TR, and the crowd enthusiastically cheered. The honorifics continued, and at the end of the program Anthony took her place at the podium, where she received a ten minute standing ovation. At the end of her speech, Anthony stated that she wished she had the time to list all the women that had dedicated themselves to work towards women’s suffrage, and then stated that due to all of them, failure was impossible. 
     Two days later Anthony arrived back in Rochester, where she admitted that she had developed double pneumonia (fluid on both lungs), and that she could barely breathe. Anna Howard Shaw was at her side, and she saw Anthony drift between awareness and unconsciousness. Shaw heard Anthony in her delirium list names of women that had worked with her, as if she was taking attendance in a roll call; many of the women Anthony listed had died while others were still fighting the good fight. Susan B. Anthony died on 13 March 1906, and like ECS, she left specific instructions for her funeral, among them that a wreath of violets be hung on her front door. The same table that ECS used to write the Declaration of Sentiments was in Anthony’s parlor, and on that table were flowers sent by NAWSA. Anthony’s burial dress was black silk with a white lace collar, which featured a flag pin given to her by women in WY. That flag pin had four diamonds, one for each state where women could vote; before the casket was closed, the pin was given to Shaw, per Anthony’s instructions. During Anthony’s public funeral, over 10k people passed by her flag-draped coffin to pay their respects.
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     The deaths of Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony marked the end of the first wave of the women’s suffrage movement. The next generation of leaders respected the original leaders, but they were frustrated with the slow incremental progress over such a long period of time. Some of those women’s suffrage leaders in the next wave, especially the younger women, were open to using far more radical attention-getting strategies and tactics to get the “Anthony Amendment” proposed by Congress and then ratified by the states. During 1906 (the year Anthony died), women suffragists in Britain used civil disobedience as a main strategy to get the right to vote, which included demonstrations, interrupting government speakers, and even shattering storefront windows in order to increase attention to their cause. The longer their demand for the right to vote was ignored, the more militant the suffragists became, which included setting fires in mailboxes, cutting phone wires, and vandalizing train cars. Critics in Britain referred to those women as “Suffragettes”, which was a word intended to disparage and demean, but those British women suffragists embraced the word, using it as a term of power and revolution. Many of the women suffragists in Britain were arrested and treated very harshly in jail, and some of them went on hunger strikes, which led prison officials to force-feed them in order to keep them alive. Thousands of women were arrested, and dozens force-fed, which was a form of torture. 
     Harriot Stanton Blatch, the youngest daughter of Elizabeth Cady Stanton, lived in Britain for 20 years and worked with the British women suffragists. When Blatch moved back to the US in 1902, she immediately recognized that the women’s suffrage movement was stagnant, with its opponents the only ones really worked-up and involved, while the movement’s adherents were inactive. Blatch did her best to rekindle interest in the women’s suffrage movement, which included getting wealthy supporters involved. During 1907 Blatch formed the Equality League of Self-Supporting Women (ELSSW), and by 1909 it had 19k members. Blatch used publicity strategies, such as a trolley car campaign in NYC and a car tour across IL. Blatch also organized the first-ever women’s suffrage parade in NYC, where women carried yellow banners and wore yellow sashes which declared, “Votes For Women”. Blatch also personally led around 100 women on a two week march from NYC to Albany, on the way talking to as many people as possible about women’s suffrage. 
    While not considered radical by today’s standards, during the early-1900s Blatch’s strategies were very bold maneuvers. Blatch’s publicity campaigns rekindled interest in the movement from within and without, and she succeeded in making the cause very fashionable for young women to become involved, and the movement was energized after a long period of stagnation. During 1910, WA became the first state in 14 years to pass legislation granting women the right to vote, and during the next few years CA, KS, AZ, and OR followed suit.


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     Elizabeth Cady Stanton predicted that the next generation of women’s suffragists would not be nearly as patient as she and her generation of leaders had been, and in that she was correct. The next wave of women’s suffrage leaders, especially young women, saw Stanton’s and Anthony’s NAWSA as far too slow and passive, and those women wanted the right to vote immediately, not some time in the distant future. One of those young women was Alice Paul, who grew up in a wealthy Quaker family in a suburb in NJ just outside of Philadelphia, where she learned about social justice as a child, even attending suffrage meetings with her mother. During her senior year at Swarthmore College, Paul took a political science course which greatly increased her interest in political involvement and activism. After she graduated, Paul was a social worker in a settlement house in NYC, and studied social work at a school that is now part of Columbia University. Paul eventually earned a MA in Sociology from the University of Pennsylvania, and then went to Britain on a Quaker fellowship grant. Having been brought up in what today would be considered upper-middle-class wealth, Paul wanted to experience what it was like being a woman in Britain’s working class. 
     Paul dressed in working-woman’s clothing, where she eventually worked 12 hours a day (6 am to 6 pm) threading cords in car tires for less than $5/week, and she made sure that she supported herself with only the wages she earned. Paul didn’t become involved in the women’s suffragist movement in Britain right away, knowing that if she did it would upset her family. It was during 1908 Paul decided to join the “suffragettes”, and fairly quickly she was arrested. In a letter Paul assured her mother that once she was released from prison she would return home and finish her doctoral degree, but as it turned out Paul stayed in Britain where she was arrested at least six more times and jailed at least three more times. During June 1909, Paul met Lucy Burns at a police station after both had been arrested. Paul noticed a US flag pin on Burns’ coat, and Paul struck up a conversation, where Burns said she was an Irish Catholic from Brooklyn; the two women immediately hit it off with each other. 


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     Paul returned to the US during 1910, and she followed through on her promise to her mother and completed her doctorate, which featured a thesis titled “Towards Equality: A Study of the Legal Position of Women in Pennsylvania”. Paul was invited to speak at the Philadelphia branch of NAWSA, where the association’s leadership saw how eloquent and committed Paul was to the cause. After her lecture, Paul was not only asked to serve on the NAWSA board, but Blatch invited her to speak at Cooper Union in NYC, and Paul was off-and-running as an in-demand speaker. After one of her speeches, Paul was challenged about her militancy, where she responded without apology that she had broken 48 windows in Britain because it was a means-to-an-end. 
     Lucy Burns returned to the US during 1912, where she quickly reconnected with Paul, and in many ways, Paul and Burns complemented each other as had Stanton and Anthony; both believed in the motto of the British suffragists - “Deeds, Not Words”. While Paul and Burns were part of NAWSA, they did not support the association’s focus on state-by-state efforts. Like Stanton and Anthony, Paul and Burns wanted an amendment added to the Constitution that guaranteed women the right to vote. During 1912, Paul sought to be part of NAWSA’s Congressional committee to lobby in DC, wanting to re-energize that part of the association, and after Jane Addams voiced her support, Anna Howard Shaw gave Paul a chance. Paul envisioned using parades and pageantry to rekindle interest in the women’s suffrage movement, which in turn would pressure Congress to finally propose the “Anthony Amendment” and send it to the states for ratification. Paul truly believed that if Americans knew more about the amendment, far more would come out in support than in opposition.


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