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13) "Outing Rednecks": Bill Clinton & Sarah Palin

5/2/2026

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Source: Nancy Isenberg. White Trash - The 400-Year Untold History of Class in America (2016)
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     During the 1980s/1990s, there was a stampede of sorts towards “White Trash Chick” and “Redneck Chic”, where Vogue magazine called the fad/rage “slumming”. The goal of those engaged in that fad was to remake the label “Redneck” into a term of endearment, where the mocking and ridicule (or worse) would be over. However, the confusion between “Redneck”, “Hillbilly”, and “Cracker” remained, in that all three were viewed by millions of Americans as a de facto ethnic identity as well as a workingman’s badge of honor; but those slang terms were still used as de facto racial slurs. A journalist in NC summed it up this way: “If you think you’re a redneck, you think you’re hard-working, fun-loving, and independent. If you don’t think you’re a redneck, you think they’re loud, obnoxious, bigoted, and shallow”.  Being a redneck was no longer the exclusive domain of Country/Western performers, in that it had become a way of sizing up men in the public arena. While class identity was being mutated, so was gender, since many women participated and glorified in the fad of “Redneck Chic”. There’s a double-edged sword concerning the “American Dream”, in that those that rise up from poverty to the middle-class or higher usually condemn those that didn’t rise up, which was clear to see during the fad of “Redneck/White Trash Chic”. 
     Another Southerner was elected President in 1992 (interestingly, from 1964 - 2004, every winner of a Presidential election was from the Sun Belt), where the Democratic candidate Bill Clinton (AR governor) defeated President George H.W. Bush. With Clinton in the White House (1993 - 2001), the spotlight was once again on the uneasy balancing act between class identity and democracy. Clinton came from a lower-middle class family in Hope (AR), and became an academic success. Clinton was a Rhodes Scholar, graduated from Yale Law School, and was eventually elected governor in AR. Clinton was the epitome of the “American Dream”, a real-life Horatio Alger, as well as the prototypical Jeffersonian ideal of a deserving youth coming out of the “rubbish” to join the aristocracy of talent in the nation. ​

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     Clinton was forever associated with negative redneck and white trash stereotypes since he came from AR, a state that when he was elected ranked 47th in per capita income, and he did his best to try and disassociate himself from AR and his lower-middle class background during his campaign. To this day, millions of Americans refuse to admire Clinton for rising up to the Presidency from such humble origins (the same was true for LBJ and Nixon), forever viewing him negatively as white trash (which during 2025/2026 intensified again with the many released photos of him with Jeffrey Epstein). Clinton did not see himself as a redneck or hillbilly, but at the Democratic National Convention in 1992 he claimed that he had a “little bit of Bubba” in him. Clinton’s election as President did what the elections of fellow Southerners LBJ and Carter did not, turning “Crackers” and “Rednecks” into something that the mainstream in America at least partially embraced. To be a “Bubba” meant that a white-collar worker could take off his suit and tie and dress down like a redneck when off the clock (a.k.a. “White Trash Slumming”). 
     While Clinton was viewed favorably by millions, he was viewed unfavorably, even hated, by millions of others. Where the nickname “Tricky Dick” had dogged Nixon, Clinton’s nickname of “Slick Willie” haunted him (a journalist in 1980 labeled him as “Slick Willie”, and it stuck). Events in his past such as smoking marijuana (“I didn’t inhale”), accusations of dodging the draft in the Vietnam War, and his alleged (eventually confirmed) womanizing were all denied by Clinton, but his denials came off as less than forthright and sincere. To millions, “Slick Willie” was the smooth-talking con man from AR, ducking into all the available rabbit holes with his public denials; but Clinton understood that as a Southern politician, honesty could very well derail his ascension to power. Clinton never could escape his origins, and it didn’t help that while he had the “gift of gab”, he wasn’t nearly as eloquent as Reagan in terms of rhetoric or giving speeches. Image was (and remains) everything in politics, and for millions of Americans, Clinton was a redneck that somehow, someway, was elected President. Clinton and his campaign advisors in 1992 wanted to find an image that portrayed the President in a far more positive light, and as it turned out, Clinton was saved by Elvis.
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     Clinton actively cultivated the “Elvis Image”, but what solidified that image was his appearance as a contender for the Democratic nomination for President on the Arsenio Hall Show on 3 June 1992, about a month before the Democratic National Convention. As the show started with the house band playing, viewers saw Clinton in the band playing the saxophone, wearing sunglasses. During the show, Clinton was interviewed by Hall, and he also played “Heartbreak Hotel” on his saxophone. By appearing on the Arsenio Hall Show, Clinton connected with and gained voters (especially younger voters) during the “Redneck Chic” craze. Clinton succeeded in packaging himself as an “Arkansas Elvis” to the point where the Bush campaign hired an Elvis impersonator to crash Clinton’s campaign appearances, which of course only benefited Clinton. 
     Clinton wanted to build a political bridge between himself and the Southern working-class whites, to make himself as much of a “Son of the South” as possible (without alienating voters outside the South), and being an Elvis fan was a neutral place to position himself in a divided political landscape in an election year. While millions admired/adored Clinton, conservative Republicans and voters absolutely hated him. The vitriolic attacks on Clinton from conservative Republicans (and their media acolytes) were designed to disrespect the man who held the highest office in the land, and those attacks were relentless and very personal, mostly due to the conservative view that Clinton was nothing more than white trash. To the “Party of Reagan”, Clinton was an unworthy usurper to the Presidency, his origins totally besmirching the office, a “Bastard Breed” that didn’t have the proper pedigree to be President. 
     When the Monica Lewinsky Scandal broke during 1998, Clinton’s enemies among conservative Republicans (e.g. Newt Gingrich, Speaker of the House from 1995 - 1999) were beyond-ecstatic that they had caught “Slick Willie” in a tawdry sexual escapade with a low-level White House female staffer, something that only “Trailer Trash” would do. The official investigation in Congress centered around two counts, perjury and the abuse of power, yet the final report mentioned sex over 500 times. It was that conservative Republican effort of “outing” white trash in the Oval Office that led to two impeachment resolutions from the House. In effect, the conservative Republicans in DC tried to equate low-class lewdness with “High Crimes and Misdemeanors”.

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    While Clinton was impeached (accused) by the House, he was never in any danger of being removed by the Senate, in that 67 Senators were required to convict and remove him as President, but only 45 Senators voted to convict. Clinton actually emerged from that political morass more popular, in that while the hatred for Clinton was beyond-irrational, so was the admiration for him among millions of Americans. In other words, JFK had “Camelot”, Reagan had Hollywood, and Clinton had Elvis; it turned out that during the 1990s, the right amount of “Redneck” and “White Trash” was a political asset, something that didn’t register at all among the conservative Republican Clinton-haters. The conservative Republican effort to impeach and remove Clinton rested on their belief that no matter how smart or how hard you work, white trash needed to be put in its place. In the eyes of those conservative Republicans, Clinton had committed the unpardonable sin of overreaching his class status. 
     During 2008, the Republicans selected their own “White Trash” candidate for high office, nominating Sarah Palin, the governor of AK, for Vice-President. Palin was the second woman to be nominated as Vice-President (Geraldine Ferraro was the Democratic VP candidate in 1984), but the first female redneck to appear on a Presidential ticket. The campaign advisors of the Republican candidate, Senator John McCain (AZ), later admitted that Palin was selected purely for “image” reasons, and their lack of any serious background checks would cause many, many headaches for McCain’s campaign.
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     Palin was a very easy target for her critics, which were from both political parties as well as independents. The media was absolutely stunned that Palin had not only astounding gaps in terms of knowledge, but was also proud of it. Palin came across as a VP candidate that could not articulate a single complex idea. Andrew Jackson ran for President along those same lines (but not with modern media, of course), so it was that “Backcountry” approach that McCain’s campaign wanted to  use in order to attract voters. Palin’s braggadocio about shooting wolves from an airplane and her love of moose meat was an attempt to portray herself on the campaign trail as a modern-day Annie Oakley, who in her day was absolutely beloved on Buffalo Bill’s Wild West Show in the late-1800s/early-1900s. However, the mainstream media (or what Palin called the “Lamestream Media’) relentlessly attacked Palin, who did not have academic degrees on which to point like Clinton. One female journalist wrote that Palin was a “country music queen without the music”, and lacked the self-deprecating humor of Dolly Parton. Also, Palin’s “Fargo-esque” accent made her speeches torture to listen to for millions of Americans. 
     American politics had been down this road before, in that Lincoln was called an ape, a mudsill, and Kentucky White Trash by his critics, and Jackson was an ill-tempered “Cracker”, and his syntax, like Palin’s, was nothing to brag about. However, 2008 wasn’t the 1990s, where Clinton’s “Elvis” schtick resonated with voters. By 2008, reality TV shows had become a “dime-a-dozen”, where a “nobody” became a celebrity of sorts, but most of those reality shows exhibited the worst in human behavior, such as vanity, lust, greed, etc. For most Americans that watched reality TV, their main enjoyment was mocking/hating the pseudo-celebrities, in that so often their worst behaviors were not only on display, but celebrated. During 2008 a new set of reality television shows appeared, such as “Duck Dynasty” and “Here Comes Honey Boo Boo”, where television brought a white trash circus to television viewers. To this day, reality television programming exists due to emotion-producing competition and scandal, something of which millions of Americans embrace (from afar). However, millions of others avoid, even abhor, that form of entertainment, which went a long way to explain why Palin was an inescapable presence in the media during the general campaign of 2008.
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12) "Redneck Roots": Billy Beer & Tammy Faye

5/1/2026

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Source: Nancy Isenberg. White Trash - The 400-Year Untold History of Class in America (2016)
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     Identity politics as a (intended) force for good became entrenched in the US political landscape during the last third of the 20th Century, which meant that whites no longer could credibly speak for non-whites. Identity politics was not just for liberal Democrats, in that Richard Nixon used the conservative Republican backlash to identity politics to win the Election of 1968 with his “Southern Strategy”, which was coded language for white supremacy that attracted Southern white voters. While some people are able to choose their own identity, many have an identity forced upon them. For example, those labeled negatively as “White Trash” never identified themselves in that manner. Before the end of the 1980s, “White Trash” had been rebranded as a sort of ethnic identity, with its own cultural traditions, such as speech patterns, vocabulary, food, fashion, etc. By then, so-called “White Trash” had gained at least partial acceptance in the overall American culture. However, that “White Trash” identity was and is still associated with sexual deviance (“Backwoods Debauchery”), which was made crystal-clear for movie-goers with the theatrical release of “Deliverance” (1972), which featured the horrific rape of Ned Beatty’s character. 
     Overall, the US was turning into a more ethnically-conscious nation, where ethnicity was substituted for class, which created a “cultural longing” for many Americans. Alex Haley’s book “Roots” (1976) tapped into that desire, spending nearly a half-year on top of the New York Times bestseller list. The next year the sensational 12-part television mini-series was broadcast that won 9 Emmys. Haley claimed that through his exhaustive research and documentation, he had found his paternal ancestor, Kunte Kinte (“Toby”, which was the name given to him as an African slave in the South). During the five years after the incredible success of the miniseries, it was confirmed that Haley had fabricated his lauded lineage, and worse yet altered and even made-up the actual historical framework for his book. And even worse yet, it was confirmed that Haley had actually pitched his story to the television networks before he had written the book; Haley’s “Roots” showed how easy it was to invent a pedigree in late-20th Century America.
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     During the early-1970s, President Nixon, in his never-ending attempts to divide the nation into “Us vs Them”, appealed to what he called the “Silent Majority”, the “Forgotten Americans” in the white lower middle-and-working classes (Nixon didn’t invent that phrase, in that it first appeared in an article in New York magazine in 1969). In his appeals to the “Silent Majority”, Nixon attacked welfare recipients, especially African-American recipients, who he claimed received unfair and unmerited government largesse and his claim resonated with millions of white Americans. Nixon, perhaps more than any politician to that point in US History, made welfare a racial issue (in fact, the recipients of the largest amount of government welfare to private citizens in US History since the 1930s have been farmers). Among Nixon’s “forgotten masses” were around 17 million poor whites, a majority of them living in the South, and most that supported Nixon angrily and loudly complained that welfare “breeds weak people”; once again, poverty was blamed on questionable human breeding, and hard work was proclaimed as the main way to achieve upward mobility. 
     When it came to social mobility, ethnic identity was viewed as a positive, where heritage, as always, was selective. Poor whites and minorities could be admired from a distance, so long as the white middle-class reigned supreme over them in the social order. Those same impulses would be used to reframe the “redneck” and to accept “white trash” as an acceptable, authentic heritage; by the mid-1970s, a common stereotype for a redneck was that he loved country music and drank beer. In reality, the transition of acceptance of rednecks and white trash wasn’t at all smooth, in that even Dolly Parton couldn’t escape white trash degradation. Class hostility still thrived, where suburbanites in the South had zero sympathy for the poor white trash in their region, even creating a distinction between “Upscale Rednecks” and “Lower-Class Rednecks”. 
     Very much like blue-collar ethnic groups in the North that gravitated to the Republican Party during the 1970s, marginal middle-class Southern whites also hated welfare recipients who “complain all month” until the government check arrives. Both voting blocs viewed themselves as hard-working and self-reliant; no one is truly self-reliant, but that point was lost in the politics, in that so many whites that looked down on welfare recipients had conveniently forgotten that their own parents escaped poverty via government assistance. But now that they had been lifted up to social and economic respectability, millions of working-class and middle-class whites had pulled up the social ladder behind them. 


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     The 1970s were still a time where Southern Conservative Democrats were numerous in Congress and held powerful positions, such as Senator Robert Byrd (WV), who grew up poor yet rose to be in the corridors of power in DC. Byrd’s political trademark was to attack Communism, rioters, and welfare recipients. Byrd was from WV, which was (and still is) one of the poorest states in the nation that had many on federal government welfare. Byrd attacked those on welfare as “fornicating deadbeats”, and he was totally unsympathetic to children on welfare, saying that if they weren’t starving, they weren’t deserving of federal aid. Conveniently, Byrd (a former member of the Ku Klux Klan) made zero effort to find welfare cheaters among the poor whites in WV, in that they were a crucial voting bloc for him to be re-elected to the Senate (Byrd served in the Senate from 1959 to his death in 2010). 
     At the other end of the political spectrum in the Democratic Party was Jimmy Carter, a liberal Democrat on social issues, but at the same time a fiscal conservative, who was elected governor of GA in 1970. Carter needed to run a “Redneck Campaign” in the Democratic primary, needing to attract blue-collar and rural voters in the state. Carter therefore portrayed his equally liberal opponent, Carl Sanders (a former GA governor) as out of touch with the common Georgian, nicknaming him “Cuff-Link Carl”. Carter’s income was from the honest business of growing peanuts, but it wasn’t mentioned in the primary that Carter was a recipient of government agricultural subsidies. Carter and Sanders faced each other in the run-off election as the top two vote-getters, where Sanders portrayed Carter as a barefoot clown of a redneck. Sanders tried to drive home the point that Carter was a political chameleon, changing his class identity to attract votes. In the run-off election, and then in the general campaign for governor, Carter drastically toned-down his redneck image and rhetoric, and no longer alienated African-American voters, hoping they’d forgive/forget his campaign statements from the Democratic primary.
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     Burt Reynolds, the macho star of “Deliverance” in 1972, starred in “Smokey and the Bandit” in 1977 (it was the second-highest grossing movie of the year behind “Star Wars”). Reynolds’ character was in essence a “respected” redneck, in that he refused to surrender to the daily grind of a 9-to-5 job and work to get ahead (as was the case with his male co-star’s character, portrayed by Jerry Reed). Interestingly, “Smokey and the Bandit” was far more popular in the Midwest and the South compared to the other regions in the nation. Then during 1979, CBS debuted the “Dukes of Hazzard”, which centered around redneck rebel moonshiners in a NASCAR-style muscle car nicknamed “General Lee”, where all the primary characters were “adorable” rednecks. “Upscale Rednecks” appeared on the national landscape during that time, exhibiting in public the freedom to be a boor without regrets. These “Upscale Rednecks” were the rising white trash middle-class, who identified with movies such as “Smokey and the Bandit”, television shows such as the “Dukes of Hazzard”, and loved NASCAR. While rising income had created the “Upscale Redneck”, millions of poor whites remained buried at the bottom of the social ladder; those “Upscale Rednecks” had no problem seeing those that were now below them in their rearview mirror in a negative way.
     The closest Carter came to addressing his “Cracker” roots during the general campaign of 1976 was when he repeated a compliment to reporters that he was “white trash made good”. Instead of campaigning as a “Reformed Redneck”, in the general campaign for President, Carter focused on everything he was not, a racist, an elitist, a sexist, a DC insider, a liar, an ideologue, a crook, etc. No matter how he packaged himself during his campaign, Carter’s redneck shadow followed him, in large part due to his brother, Billy Carter. Billy was whip-smart, but also very jealous of the attention and success of his brother, so he decided to use his brother’s fame to become a “Redneck Celebrity” in order to get the spotlight to shine on him at least a little, as well as to spite his brother. Tourists traveled to Plains (GA) for autographs and photographs with Billy Carter, he produced his own beer, “Billy Beer”, and he hired an agent to organize appearances nationwide. Billy was known for his uncensored opinions, as well as smoking five packs of Pall Malls a day. Billy’s code name on the CB (Citizen’s Band) radio was “Cast Iron”, which referred to his ability to drink anything and a lot of it without suffering any ill effects. Some of Carter’s supporters wished that he had a bit of “Billy” in him, a little more irreverence and sass that would have tempered Carter’s self-righteousness and idealism. 


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     America’s honeymoon with President Carter ended very quickly during early-1977, in that the challenges he inherited from his predecessors were either insurmountable or virtually impossible to solve during his Presidency. The Energy Crisis, “Stagflation”, and the overall feeling that nothing seemed to be going right for the US as a nation (which was summed up by the media as “Malaise”) caused Carter’s approval rating to plummet lower-and-lower. Carter didn’t help himself out either when he allowed the former Shah of Iran to enter the US for medical treatment, which led to the Iranian Hostage Crisis (1979-81), which proved to be the final nail in his political coffin. Carter lost the Election of 1980 to Ronald Reagan in a landslide, in part because Reagan, the former Hollywood actor, knew how to play different roles for different audiences, which was a political gift that Carter simply didn’t possess. Reagan was also idealistically optimistic, where Carter’s problem-solving approach was viewed as negative. 
      During the end of Reagan’s second term in 1987, the largest public scandal in the US was the fall of Reverend Jim Bakker and his wife, Tammy Faye. Both had risen from obscurity in NC and had created a televangelist empire, PTL (“Praise the Lord” / “Pass the Love”), which reached 13 million homes. The Bakkers also owned and made tremendous profits from their Heritage USA Christian theme park. Bakker was among the most powerful and influential conservative televangelists in the nation, which included Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson; all three were invited to the Reagan White House during the general campaign of 1984. Three years later, Bakker was convicted of 24 charges of fraud and conspiracy, and was sentenced to 45 years in prison, where he actually only served five years. 
     Jim and Tammy Faye Bakker had fleeced their followers in order to have an extravagant lifestyle, going from living in a trailer to becoming multi-millionaires. Bakker’s ministry preached the white trash dream of living in excess, and Bakker publicly admitted that he overindulged and lived to excess, which was in effect “Prosperity Theology” - but greed was just the backstory. Tammy Faye became famous/infamous for wearing makeup that oozed down her cheeks as she wept with the flock, as well as constantly going to rehab facilities for her addiction to tranquilizers. Meanwhile, Jim Bakker was paying hush money to Jessica Hahn, a former church secretary of whom he had an affair several years prior, which was exposed when Hahn told her story to Playboy magazine. If that wasn’t enough, the same church official that arranged the assignations between Bakker and Hahn admitted that he had three homosexual encounters with the famous televangelist. The tabloid coverage of the “Bakker Affair” just may have been the genesis for what became the phenomenon of “Reality TV”, in that Americans were transfixed with the tawdry behavior of “American White Trash”; years later in 2004, Tammy Faye starred in her own reality show, “The Surreal Life”.
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     The vast majority of people the Bakkers conned were poor whites with less than a high school education, and many were unemployed. Insidiously, PTL sent out appeals for contributions at the beginning of each month when the Social Security and welfare checks had just arrived. Ironically, the Bakkers were not native to the South, in that Tammy Faye was from a poor family of eight children in rural MN, living in a house without indoor plumbing (her parents were Pentecostal preachers), and Jim came from MI, the son of a machinist. The Bakkers moved to NC because they knew there was a ready audience and market for their Pentecostal messaging, where Tammy Faye became the charismatic focus of the television show, singing and crying. Tammy Faye’s appearance of frosted blonde hair, thick makeup, clear tan, loud and colorful dresses, and trademark false eyelashes projected a class identity, which was the very picture of “nouveau riche femininity”. 
     It was in that way that Tammy Faye shared a persona with Dolly Parton, the country singer famous for her “voluptuously overflowing body”, flamboyant outfits, and big blonde wig; her self-confessed image was the desire of poor white trash girls to see themselves as magazine models. To Parton, who grew up poor in TN, poverty for a woman went far beyond the despair of not having any money. So therein lies the clue for why Tammy Faye appealed to her millions of supporters before the scandal hit, in that the poor white women that sent money and watched the PTL show enjoyed the exhibitionism and excess they saw. While Parton’s fashion style was viewed as burlesque (a hooker on the outside, a sweet country girl on the inside), Tammy Faye’s drag queen look was embraced by the gay community, and she was one of the very few among conservatives that showed sympathy for the victims of the AIDS crisis. 
     The Bakker fairy tale did not have a happy ending, in that the media storm concerning the scandal made the couple look absolutely pathetic; Tammy Faye’s naivety and kooky behavior was what probably saved her from going to prison. Tammy Faye had gone from a poor white trash girl to achieving the “American Dream” on steroids, not due to her beauty, talent, or education, but because of her television image where she refused to take part in the fine manners of her social betters. Tammy Faye was the rejection of everything middle-class, where prosperity took the place of emotional restraint, proper diction, dress, and refinement. Tammy Faye’s tawdry excesses made her a beloved figure among her poor white fans, but also beyond-irredeemable in the eyes of the middle-class and above in the US. Tammy Faye’s public self was a composite of very bad cliches and stereotypes, projecting no more authenticity than “The Beverly Hillbillies”; she was campy (mostly by accident), as well as a creature of the surreal world of television that she absolutely adored.


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11b) The Cult of the Country Boy, Part Two (e.g. Elvis & LBJ)

4/29/2026

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Source: Nancy Isenberg. White Trash - The 400-Year Untold History of Class in America (2016)
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     As trailer-living became more common during the 1950s/1960s, so did opposition from middle-class suburban homeowners and local politicians. By 1968, only 13% of mobile homeowners were in a white-collar job, and a large percentage came from the rural South, creating “Hillbilly Havens” outside cities in the Sunbelt, Midwest, and other regions. By the late-1960s, in essence “Trailer Trash” had become America’s “Untouchables”. Making matters worse, trailer parks were viewed as “Dens of Iniquity” by the successful working-class and above, seeing “Trailer Trash” as a threat to their security. During 1969, the 13 Appalachian states received 40% of the mobile home shipments, which were the cheapest models (under $5000). During 1971, NYC’s mayor John Lindsay was able to get the necessary votes to house the homeless in the city’s first approved trailer park; the recipients were victims of urban renewal, and the city’s solution was to kick them aside to a non-urban setting. By the late-1960s/early-1970s, the trailer park had become the easiest measure to identify “White Trash”.   
     Among the many photos taken during the “Little Rock 9” crisis during 1957 was a photo of Elizabeth Eckford, isolated from the other 8 African-American students, trying to find a safe haven from the angry crowd that surrounded her. The 15 year old white girl screaming racial insults behind Eckford in the photo was Hazel Bryan, who would drop out of school at 16, marry, and live in a trailer. From that nationally-syndicated photo when she was 15, Bryan became the face of “White Trash”: ignorant, unrepentant, and cruel. The day after the photo appeared in newspapers across the nation, Bryan told reporters outside Little Rock Central High School that “whites should have rights too”. Bryan proudly declared that if the “Little Rock 9” were allowed in the school, she’d walk out. Bryan knew what all working-class whites in the South knew, that their status in the region’s class hierarchy was dependent on segregation, in that being “above” African-Americans was beyond-paramount to their social standing. To millions of Americans, Bryan confirmed her lower-class designation by her words and antics; a NY Times reporter compared Bryan in Little Rock to the frenzied girls that attended Elvis Presley concerts.
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     Little Rock Central was the working-class high school in the city. There was a segregated African-American school, and R.C. Hall High (“Cadillac High”) for the wealthy families on the west side of the city, which left Central to be the designated “desegregated” school. The working-class white families of Central High were equally upset with the federal government as well as with the city’s wealthy in forcing the situation upon them, which was seen when an anti-desegregation leader stated that the “. . . only race-mixing going to be done is in the districts where the so-called rednecks live”. The entire purpose of that quote was to remind Little Rock’s working-class that the city’s elites looked down on them. 
    Orval Faubus, the governor of AR, portrayed himself as the victim of upper-class arrogance, as well as a martyr at the hand of federal government overreach. The national media portrayed Faubus as a hillbilly and a backcountry rube, and when he met with President Eisenhower over the crisis in Little Rock, Faubus could tell that the President and his advisors viewed him as an insignificant “Country Boy” rube. Faubus used the dual fears of race and class to justify his order that the AR national guard bar entry for the “Little Rock 9” at Central. Faubus told the assembled media that there were reports of white caravans descending on Little Rock from outlying areas, which was at least partially true, in that there were indeed outside agitators involved during the crisis. During the crisis in Little Rock, Faubus truly reveled in playing the “Redneck Card” for political advantage. A Time magazine reporter saw through Faubus, and accused him of “manufacturing the myth of violence” and then to whip up the mob into a frenzy to make the myth a reality. 
     The crisis in Little Rock dominated the news cycle. On 24 September 1957, Ike addressed the nation on television and radio, announcing that he was sending the 101st Airborne to Little Rock to enforce the court’s desegregation order; 62% of the nation’s TV sets were tuned in to the President’s address. The national media in Little Rock used Southern stereotypes in their reports/articles, with the word “redneck” prominently featured. One northern reporter stated, “Hell, look at them. They’re just poor white trash, mostly”. Those descriptions were mostly designed to distance the good people of AR from the rabble rousers, the assumption being that most of the population of Little Rock didn’t endorse extreme behavior, that the crisis was entirely due to the actions of rednecks and poor white trash. During and after the crisis,Faubus’ political strategy of portraying himself as a martyr against the federal government, as well as a champion of lower-class whites, led him to be re-elected as AR governor again and again, as well as becoming a model for future Southern governors to follow in terms of fighting desegregation (e.g. George Wallace in AL).

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     Also during 1957 came the movie “A Face in the Crowd”, starring Andy Griffith (the movie was released before the “Andy Griffith Show” debuted in 1960). In the movie, Griffith portrayed a down-and-out man that learned to play guitar in prison, and then became a popular, powerful, and ruthless television star. Many movie critics labeled Griffith’s performance as a combination of Huey Long and Elvis Presley, a yelling/singing redneck gone power-crazy (in order to get Griffith into character, director Elia Kazan had Griffith dredge-up his childhood memories of being called white trash). One of the movie’s messages was that it was dangerous to elevate a redneck above his social class and then give him power, which of course he would then abuse. The other message came from the movie’s backstory on Griffith’s character, which was a harsh rebuke on how the poor were treated in the South.
     During 1961 a movie that was perfect for drive-in theaters was released, titled “Poor White Trash”, and it became a smash hit (the movie had previously been released in 1957 in regular theaters with the title “Bayou”, but it flopped). Slick marketing turned the turkey-of-a-movie into a hit, featuring such newspaper movie teasers as “It exists Today!”. The ads for the movie also stated that children would not be allowed to see the movie, relying on local communities for “enforcement”. At best the flick was an average “B-movie”, where the poor white was portrayed as oversexed and violent, a primal breed. But of all the movies that somehow, someway addressed and portrayed poor white trash, “To Kill a Mockingbird” (1962) was by far the most highly-regarded by critics and movie-goers. Based on Harper Lee’s novel, the movie offered the most brutal portrayal of poor Southern whites (Lee’s book focused mostly on Scout’s POV, while the movie centered mostly on the perspective of Atticus Finch). 
     An innocent African-American man was accused of raping a white girl, and by the end of of the film, movie-goers became a de facto jury, having to decide what was more important, race or class. Tom Robinson, the accused, was honest and honorable, while Mayella Ewell, and especially her father Bob Ewell (as well as the all-white jury), were portrayed as absolute unadulterated poor white trash with the worst of motives. Bob Ewell was the movie’s main villain, where he spit on the face of Atticus Finch, and far worse tried to murder Finch’s two children. Boo Radley, who served as the children’s “Guardian Angel” by killing Ewell, was also portrayed in the category of poor white trash, but his character was the exception in that he had redeeming value in comparison.


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     By the late-1950s/early-1960s the “redneck” had become synonymous with unreasonable and insane bigotry. “Redneck” and “White Trash” were used interchangeably, though there was disagreement that the two negative slang terms represented the same thing, in that there was the view that a “Redneck” was raised as a child to hate as an adult (like Bob Ewell in TKAM). The pejorative slang terms “Redneck” and “Hillbilly” were also interchangeable, but a common distinction was that the redneck came from the swamps. Another difference was that the hillbilly hated, but his hate had boundaries, in that he hated his family, neighbors, and outsiders (e.g. feuds, such as the Hatfields and the McCoys); and when hillbillies weren’t violent, they were busy drinking their moonshine. 
     By the 1940s, the hillbilly had become a catch-all label for all country folk, and many Southern politicians used a “Hillbilly Persona” for political gain, most famously Louisiana’s Huey Long during the early-to-mid-1930s. Those politicians either instinctively knew, or learned, that cultivating that “Hillbilly Persona” attracted more voters than it repulsed, in that there was a strong desire by most voters to identify with their elected officials. During his early years, Elvis Presley’s musical style was viewed as a mixture of hillbilly singing and rhythm and blues. During Presley’s breakout year in 1956, a music reviewer happily reported that Elvis had at least mostly lost his “exaggerated hillbilly dialect” (Elvis wasn’t at all a hillbilly, in that he grew up a poor white boy in Tupelo, MS, a son of a sharecropper). 
     As the Senate Majority Leader in the late-1950s, LBJ was the second-most powerful politician in the nation behind President Eisenhower. LBJ seemed to be a cross between a public school teacher (of which he had been for a brief spell) and a no-nonsense sheriff. LBJ knew how to persuade his fellow Senators in order to gather votes for a bill in the Senate, in that he knew which Senators he could intimidate, which he needed to flatter, etc. LBJ individualized his approach in terms of persuasion in the chamber, be it in person or on the phone, for maximum effect - he knew how to convince “on-the-fence” Senators to vote for a bill he wanted.

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     When LBJ became President after JFK’s assassination on 22 November 1963, Americans had to get used to a President that wasn’t as “refined” as Kennedy. However, by that point in his political career, LBJ’s “Country Boy” traits had become a political asset instead of a liability in the opinion of most Americans. LBJ’s “Great Society” represented a positive variable to his Southern identity, in that he truly wanted to elevate the standard-of-living for all poor Americans. The “Great Society” focused on two distinct classes, poor urban African-Americans and the poor whites in Appalachia. LBJ toured five Appalachian states, comfortably interacting with the “Mountain Folk” for photographers and cameramen to capture. LBJ fashioned his public image as President, aware of every detail, such as wearing a “5 Gallon” version of a cowboy hat (which was much smaller than the “10 Gallon” version) that had a much narrower brim, which signified that he was a modern Southerner. While he truly wanted to make a positive difference in the lives of poor Americans, in private LBJ wasn’t always charitable to poor rural whites, in that he knew all about the debilitating effects of false poor white pride at the expense of African-Americans. LBJ fully understood that in the South, class and race were interconnected, which was a huge obstacle to overcome. 
     During the general campaign of 1964, the Republican candidate, Senator Barry Goldwater (AZ), the first true GOP conservative to run for President, revived the eugenics theme of moral degeneracy. In his campaign, Goldwater did his absolute best to portray President Johnson as the symbol of poor white trash. In response, a defiant LBJ drove around his ranch in his huge car drinking beer from a paper cup, and for a Time magazine reporter he sat behind the wheel of his car holding up a squealing piglet. LBJ was enjoying himself, in that he was taunting city-slicker reporters with his TX Hill Country humor. But there were powerful figures among the DC elites (in both parties) that never accepted LBJ as one of their own, forever labeling him as a “Country Bumpkin” that had accidentally become President. Even after trouncing Goldwater in a landslide in the Election of 1964, LBJ knew deep down that he would never be fully accepted in DC, as well as in much of the nation. To many Americans, at any moment the “Country Boy President” might reveal his white trash character by saying something inappropriate in his TX drawl. The indelible marks of class identity were forever imprinted on LBJ, no matter what he did in the highest office of the land.


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11a) The Cult of the Country Boy, Part One (e.g. Elvis & LBJ)

4/28/2026

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Source: Nancy Isenberg. White Trash - The 400-Year Untold History of Class in America (2016)
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     While the photograph of Elvis Presley and President Nixon (1970) remains the most-requested photo from the National Archives, what’s lost in history is that Elvis and President Lyndon Johnson had developed mutual admiration and a friendship of sorts beforehand. Both men, in their separate ways, were national figures that challenged and disrupted the historically toxic characterizations of “Poor White Trash”. When Elvis arrived on the national stage via television performances during 1956 (most famously three times on the Ed Sullivan Show), he seemed to be doing everything he could to be non-white. 
     Elvis openly embraced African-American musical styles, “gyrations”, and fashion (he bought clothes at Lansky Bros., whose clientele up to that point were mostly African-Americans). Very soon after his three appearances on the Ed Sullivan Show, Elvis became a movie star (“Love Me Tender” in 1956 was his first), although he never would achieve his dream of becoming an action movie star. Two years before, Elvis drove a delivery truck in Memphis, seemingly going nowhere fast, but he was now rich, achieving what no white trash working-class man had ever believed possible. Elvis had become the cool “Hillbilly”, a person of which millions of teen boys wished they could become. Teen girls went crazy when he was on stage, screaming so loudly that it was hard for them to actually hear him perform. 
     LBJ also rose from very humble origins, becoming the youngest Senate Majority Leader in US History, then Vice-President, and then due to JFK’s assassination the 36th President. LBJ’s “Great Society” (which LBJ labeled as a “War on Poverty”) was the sequel to FDR’s New Deal, of which LBJ had been part as a lead administrator of the National Youth Administration in TX, and then a supporter of the New Deal in the House. In order to become that powerful DC politician, LBJ had to transform himself from his TX Hill Country identity, as well as to learn how to be effective on television, doing so without losing his TX drawl.
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     Although LBJ had become perhaps the most effective Senate Majority Leader in US History, he was still viewed as a regional Southern political figure by most Americans. LBJ truly believed that the South had to permanently shed its misplaced nostalgia of the Confederacy from the Civil War, and to in essence join the modern world. The politician that LBJ most admired was FDR, in that Roosevelt was a proponent of uplift for the urban and rural poor. LBJ also adored modern technology; for example,  he was the first to campaign using a helicopter in 1948, where he very narrowly won the election to the House (that was the election where he earned the derisive nickname “Landslide Lyndon”), and as Vice-President and then President, LBJ was a huge supporter of NASA.  LBJ despised the fake rhetoric from Southern Conservative Democrats who falsely claimed solidarity with poor whites, which almost always involved angry appeals for white supremacy. LBJ, a “Son of the South”, was an advocate for Civil Rights (albeit on his terms and timeline if possible), constantly talking about inclusiveness and breaking down barriers. However, his “Good Ol’ Country Boy” image still haunted him, especially in the corridors of power in DC. 
     At about the same time as LBJ’s rise in national politics, network television executives discovered that “Hick” situation comedies drew high ratings. Among the most popular shows in that genre in the 1960s were “The Andy Griffith Show”, “Gomer Pyle, USMC”, and “The Beverly Hillbillies” (two other popular shows in that vein were “Petticoat Junction” and “Green Acres”). “The Andy Griffith Show” was set in 1960s NC, but it had the feel of being in the 1930s, a nostalgic revision of the Great Depression Era featuring adorable misfits. Andy Griffith insisted that he wasn’t a “yokel” running the town as sheriff, but rather a clever and wry figure along the lines of Will Rogers. Outsiders were welcome in Mayberry, where the virtues of small-town democracy and hospitality were on full display in every episode. However, Sheriff Andy was surrounded by yokels, in that television thrived on exaggerating the worst stereotypes, in this case of poor whites. Gomer Pyle was the gullible gas station attendant, and Ernest T. Bass was the mountain hillbilly that went on the occasional (harmless) rampage. In the spin-off sitcom “Gomer Pyle, USMC”, Pyle single-handedly fouled up the entire bureaucracy of the Marine Corps, a charming character to be sure, but also a poor white character in a “fish out of water” situation, constantly portrayed as a walking-and-talking (albeit charming) disaster. 


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     The famous entertainer Bob Hope joked that with the Clampetts in “The Beverly Hillbillies”, Americans had the embodiment of a TV wasteland with an outhouse. In virtually every episode, Jed, Granny, Elly May, and Jethro were constantly flummoxed by doorbells, kitchen appliances, etc., reinforcing the conventional belief that white trash was an evolutionary throwback, objects of mockery, not admiration. “The Beverly Hillbillies”, “Gomer Pyle, USMC”, and “The Andy Griffith Show” reinforced the existing idea that the US was not a melting pot, in that the distance between rural and urban, rich and poor, was too immense a chasm to cross. In effect, those “Hick” sitcoms masked class conflict via laugh tracks. In real life,  Elvis Presley, the poor country boy that made it big, came to symbolize many things for the generation that came-of-age during the 1950s/1960s. Presley’s rise to stardom resembled the story line of “The Beverly HIllbillies” to millions of Americans, especially when he bought Graceland, complete with a pink Cadillac and a chicken coop in the backyard of the mansion, which was also his mother’s home.
     In the face of the tremendous social, economic, and political upheaval and turmoil of the 1960s, Americans overall kept  denying that they were a class-conscious society. Yet the Civil Rights Movement and the countercultures of the 1950s/1960s clearly indicated the acceptance of rigid social classifications. During the 1950s/1960s, ownership of a suburban home had come to represent the “American Dream”, and the most controversial and looked-down upon housing option became the trailer home. Segregation was more than a racial divide, in that local zoning laws favored suburban residential and commercial developments, which made inevitable the rise of white trash trailer parks.


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     The tireless pursuit of middle-class Americans towards the suburban lifestyle was made possible in that the suburban home had become affordable. By 1959, 31 million US families owned a home, 44 million Americans drove 56 million cars, and there were over 50 million television sets and counting. That expansion of wealth was packaged by politicians as the solution to erasing class distinctions, especially via home ownership. The modern suburban home was not possible or affordable until William Levitt arrived on the scene after World War II, where in essence he became the “Henry Ford of Housing”. Through his experiences during World War II, first in VA and then in the Pacific (as a “Seabee”), Levitt brought the assembly line to the construction site. Levitt was able to build nearly 40 homes a day (without basements), one-story 800 square foot (or so) two bedroom/one bath homes, first in Levittown in Long Island, and then in PA.
     Levitt’s methods were imitated by other builders, where for about $8000 (approximately $96k in 2024 dollars), the “American Dream” in the suburbs was now possible for millions of almost entirely white middle-class families. These suburban enclaves were in essence self-sustaining colonies outside a city, geared for leisurely living, complete with shopping centers, ballfields, swimming pools, etc. It wasn’t just the affordability of those suburban homes that enticed the middle-class, but also the homogenous nature of the enclaves, in that they were “stable” neighborhoods for whites (it was very common that covenants were created in those suburbs where homeowners could not sell their home to a non-white). Levitt understood that his homebuyers weren’t just buying a suburban home, but also middle-class status, in that the husband needed to have a steady income in order to stay and maintain/improve the property, which became a badge of class status. Popular magazines of the 1950s/1960s showed suburban housewives in their garden and their husband on the patio hosting a barbeque, which portrayed an acceptable and desirable lifestyle for the suburban “Backyard Yeomanry”. 

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     Suburbs became class-conscious fortresses, especially when restrictive zoning laws were passed, in which single-family homes were to be built in order to keep out undesirable lower classes. For example, in Mahwah (NJ) after a Ford plant opened, town leaders passed a zoning law that required one acre lots that had a home worth at least $20k on the property to be in the vicinity of the plant. That zoning restriction meant that the low-wage workers in the plant had to live elsewhere and to figure out how they would commute to work. The federal government underwrote suburban growth. For example, tax deductions were allowed for mortgage payments, and home loans were easier to obtain if the husband was a proven breadwinner. Even more significant was the GI Bill, which created the Veterans Administration, which oversaw the mortgage program for ex-soldiers (as well as free tuition to colleges/universities in order to not only delay/avoid mass entry to the job market after the war, but to also expand the nation’s human capital, which to the middle-class was a boon, less-so for the lower-classes). 
     Levitt’s suburbs therefore already favored middle-class and working-class families that had high-enough and steady incomes, which also encouraged buyers to live with their “own kind” (class, race, religion). Levittown in PA opened for buyers during the early-1950s, and was located near a US Steel plant, which attracted steel and construction workers who quickly established a trailer park. The “Levittowners” in their suburban homes viewed the trailer park as “white trash” that needed to be discarded, and local officials quickly passed ordinances to force-out those living in trailers (one of the arguments against that trailer park should sound familiar - the preservation of property values). The steel and construction workers in the trailer park were labeled “white trash”, not due to their backgrounds, but because they lived in trailers; it was their homes on wheels that gave them that stigma in the eyes of the middle-class suburban homeowners.
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     The trailer has an uncertain yet important place in the American imagination, in that on one hand it represents unbridled freedom of movement. On the other hand, the trailer also represents a cheap and confined way of life, and at its worst is seen as deviant and dystopian, an outlier from normal civilization. Basically, if a trailer is mobile, for example attached to a nice pickup and going somewhere, it’s acceptable, even admired. However, if a trailer is permanently located, then all the negative stereotypes come spewing forth. Trailers have been controversial since the Great Depression, in that it was during the 1930s that they were used en masse as permanent dwellings, where people lived that were on their way down instead of being on their way up. 
     Before World War II, the first generation of trailers were jerry-built contraptions in backyards, used for hunting and fishing trips. However, when the “Okie” caravans started to travel to CA due to the Dust Bowl (most “Okies” were not migrants from the Dust Bowl; only about 12% of those living in the Dust Bowl left their land) using those “Shanties on Wheels”, the first widespread negative stereotypes of trailers started. The housing shortage in the years immediately following World War II led the federal government to buy 35k trailers, not only for returning veterans, but also for defense workers, which led to trailer parks popping up in unexpected locations in the nation. 
     During 1943, Agnes Meyer (who eventually married a millionaire, and their daughter, Katharine, would become the first female CEO in US History) went on a fact-finding mission as a self-described “War Correspondent on the Homefront” to 27 defense plants, from Buffalo to Seattle, then to CA, then to the Deep South and back to DC. Meyer discovered that the most poverty-stricken of the trailer park/”Hoovervilles” that housed workers were in the Deep South. Meyer wasn’t at all complimentary of the “white trash” that lived in those poor enclaves, and she wrote, “Is this America?”. In an enclave outside of Mobile (AL), Meyer learned that the illegitimacy rate (babies born out of wedlock) was sky-high, and that the black market trade for infants was thriving. Meyer saw much the same in FL, but she made it clear that those in FL repulsed her far less than those she had encountered in MS and AL. So it was due in large part to Meyer’s reports concerning those Southern defense worker camps during World War II that soon enough after the war the phrase “Trailer Trash” became commonly used in the US; to be displaced and poor was to be deemed “White Trash”, the post-World War II version of “waste people”.
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10) The Great Depression & Downward Mobility

4/27/2026

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Source: Nancy Isenberg. White Trash - The 400-Year Untold History of Class in America (2016)
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     As the Great Depression unfolded in the 1930s, it was clear that the Southern economy was on a different plane that the rest of the nation. During 1938 FDR declared, “The South presents right now the Nation’s No. 1 economic problem”. For some in President Franklin Roosevelt’s administration, the problem in the South was clear: In order for the New Deal to achieve success in the region, the prejudice against “Poor White Trash” had to be overcome. Dependency among the lower-rungs of Southern society had become entrenched long before regardless of race, with such groups as tenant farmers (sharecroppers) and convict labor. Poor whites were viewed as inexpensive, and worse yet expendable, and harsh sentences for minor offenses were commonly handed down to African-Americans and poor whites alike  in the South. 
   Most of the South’s transportation infrastructure was built by convict labor, and those Southern states made quite a bit of revenue leasing chain gangs to businesses for cheap labor. During the Great Depression, more poor whites than ever were swept up into that system of convict labor. That reality was exposed for the nation to see with the major studio movie “I Am a Fugitive From a Chain Gang” (1932), where monotony attacked prisoners that weren’t worked to death.
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     While the value of work among the lower-classes was not appreciated in the South, during 1932 a book about the construction of the Empire State Building (which opened during 1931) was published. In that book, the “Sky-Boys” were lauded for their work ethic and heroism, as well as the laborers that built all the amazing infrastructure that was constructed before the Empire State Building. The author stated that manual laborers in those dangerous jobs deserved the same respect as soldiers on the battlefield. 
     While white manual laborers were celebrated in the North, that same year in DC the Bonus Army Incident occurred. About 20k World War I veterans (and their families) set up a shanty-town outside of DC, and protested outside the Capitol demanding that Congress pay them their promised future pension right now. A spokesman for the gathered veterans stated to the press, “We were heroes in 1917, but we’re bums now”. The House of Representatives passed a bill granting that immediate bonus, but it did not pass in the Senate. President Herbert Hoover labeled the Bonus Army criminals, and then ordered the Army to remove them, not only from the Capitol, but also their shanty-town. 
    Hoover didn’t want any violence, but the top-ranking general in DC, General Douglas MacArthur, had other ideas (under his command were Dwight Eisenhower and George Patton). MacArthur didn’t see former fellow comrades in arms, but rather a Communist menace that needed to be dealt with harshly. MacArthur ordered the use of force against US citizens, which served as the final nail in Hoover’s political coffin (it didn’t help Hoover at all that he hid in the White House when he should have been in public taking charge). A former governor of NH told the press that the US government had shot its starving veterans out of their worthless dwellings.

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     The Great Depression was associated with waste - wasted food, wasted land, wasted families, and wasted lives (hundreds of thousands of children starved to death in the US during the Great Depression, a fact of which most Americans still don’t realize, or want to face). Also involved was the unpredicted and unpreventable downward mobility of millions of Americans. Now the poor were without jobs, and those that remained employed sensed that at any time they could lose their position. [The easiest way to understand the socioeconomic breakdown of the Great Depression was that one-third of the nation was destitute, one-third held firm, and one-third did very well; that destitute one-third in severe poverty was a threat to the “Thin Layer of Civilization” that held the nation together, which was the main reason for the New Deal] Instead of looking at the unemployed with disgust, which was the norm before the Great Depression, millions of Americans wondered if they would join them in poverty; the theory/belief of equal opportunity had become a cruel illusion. 
     “Poor White Trash” remained at the forefront of the nation’s consciousness throughout the Great Depression, where “Hoovervilles” became the urban version of a squatter’s shack in the West. Due to the Dust Bowl (1931-39) combined with the Great Depression, the so-called “Okies” migrated to CA to look for land or jobs. Those thousands of migrants became the new face of “Poor White Trash”, becoming even more so after John Steinbeck’s book, “The Grapes of Wrath” (1939), and then John Ford’s movie based on the book in 1941. The “Okie’s” were a very small population compared to the nation’s tenant farmers, of which two-thirds lived in the South, and two-thirds of them were white. The Great Depression exposed the South’s dependence on growing (mostly) cotton with tenant farmers, who after a few years very often left, a migration that was already underway before that of the “Okies”. The tenant farming system (a.k.a. sharecropping) was run on fear and coercion, with the landlords wanting to maintain control over their semi-forced laborers.


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  During the Great Depression, there were high-profile politicians that debunked the belief that heredity was the defining factor in class. SecAg Henry Wallace stated that if at birth 100k poor white children were removed from poverty, and 100k rich children were removed from luxury, and if both were given the same levels of food, education, housing, etc., by the time they reached adulthood they would all have the same mental and moral traits. In other words, class was not biologically pre-ordained. The Great Depression showed that liberty for the select/privileged (the one-third of the population that prospered during the Great Depression) was not liberty for all. 
     The enemies of the New Deal (mostly Republicans) railed against government spending, valuing restricting spending to balance the federal budget over giving hand-outs to those that were undeserving. To the New Dealers, the concentration of wealth and power at the top of society had destroyed democracy, which necessitated government intervention. Southern Conservative Democrats were also opposed to the New Deal, not wanting any uplift to occur in the lower classes; that bloc in Congress succeeded in excluding farm workers from being part of the Social Security Act (1935). 
     During 1936, Howard Odum, a sociologist and psychologist, published “Southern Regions of the United States” (which was “translated” into a more readable form in “The Wasted Land”, which became very popular), which was the definitive work on tenant farmers in the South. Odum’s work was based on a three year sociological study of 13 counties in NC and VA, where an ocean of information was amassed. Odum proved that the South had lost 97 million acres of land to erosion (larger than both Carolinas and Georgia combined) by tolerating poverty and illiteracy, where local/state governments had refused to provide even basic services to poor tenant farmers. If the book-then-movie “Gone With the Wind” during the late-1930s was a defense of the “Southern Way of Life”, Odum’s work exposed its fault lines.
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   During 1938 Odum sent a questionnaire to dozens of distinguished academics in the US, of which there were 46 known respondents. Many of Odum’s respondents claimed that the phrase “Poor White Trash” came from the Black vernacular of “Po’ White Trash”. However, a vast majority of those 46 listed negative attributes that had long been associated with “Poor White Trash”, such as “shiftless”, “lazy”, “unambitious”, “no account”, etc, all of which indicated an unwillingness to work due to some inborn character flaw (“Shiftless” was a pejorative slang term that went back to at least the 1850s in describing “Poor White Trash”, with social proximity to African-Americans being another reason for that negative label). Poor whites, especially in the South, remained a breed-apart, a class defined as halfway between white and Black. Even liberal academic elites were afraid of unleashing class upheaval during the Great Depression, which led them to blame the poor for the nation’s shortcomings and failures. 
     Odum simply didn’t believe that the poor whites in the South should remain pawns for the higher-classes in the region. To Odum, providing education was the key, not in uplifting poor Southern whites to the middle-class, but to allow them to uplift themselves within their own social class. However, as long as the poor Southern white remained stuck in his low social station, he would be compared to the mule by his “betters”. During the Great Depression of the 1930s, the “Forgotten Man” (and woman) had become a powerful symbol of economic struggle. However, most Americans still didn’t want to view poor whites as fellow Americans that deserved liberty and opportunities as they had experienced.
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9b) The Age of Eugenics, Part Two

4/22/2026

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Source: Nancy Isenberg. White Trash - The 400-Year Untold History of Class in America (2016)
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     During the Turn-of-the-Century, W.E.B. DuBois and Theodore Roosevelt agreed on very little, illustrating the polarized politics of that time. TR was a complete and enthusiastic convert on the “science” of eugenics, which was totally opposite of DuBois’ views - but both men agreed on at least one thing, the threat of “Redneck Politics” (by the 1890s, the slang term “Redneck” had come into vogue, defined as a rowdy/racist low-class white that was proud of being so). From the moment TR saw rednecks in the South early in his accidental Presidency (he had become the 26th President in September 1901 after the Assassination of Wiliam McKinley), he viewed them as a political threat, especially when the Southern press discovered that TR had invited the famous Civil Rights leader Booker T. Washington to the White House to dine with him and his family. What infuriated Southern whites was that the President allowed an African-American man to be with two white women, in particular the teen daughter from TR’s first marriage, Alice (ironically and incredibly sadly, on Valentine’s Day 1884, TR’s first wife died of kidney failure days after giving birth to Alice, and TR’s mother died on the same day as well).  Those Southern journalists (“rednecks” to TR) believed they had the right to say/write whatever they wanted, no matter how despicable. Those same journalists also had the “gift” of working up lower-class whites into a rage. 
     Given that atmosphere, “Redneck Politicians” took advantage, packaging themselves as the defenders of poor whites, winning elections at the local and state levels, with some winning elections to Congress. With the “rednecks” on the scene, Southern elites had company and competition for stirring-up class resentments, much of which was directed at them. The very politically-combative TR decided to engage with his redneck enemies, where during his second term while touring the South, he compared Jefferson Davis to Benedict Arnold. That comparison was viewed as heresy by Southern white men and women, in that it was taken as an insult to their pedigree. By the early-1900s, many lower-class Southern whites claimed some sort of pedigree if they had a notable relative that served with distinction or died during the Civil War, which was an aspect of the “Lost Cause”. ​

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     TR’s understanding of race and class was that African-Americans were naturally subordinate to whites, but that social progress was nonetheless possible, which was a large reason why he invited Booker T. Washington to dinner. But there was a more practical political reason for the invitation, in that TR wanted Washington to drum-up African-American delegate support for him ahead of the Republican National Convention in 1904, badly wanting to win the GOP nomination and the Presidential election in his own right. TR (as well as other very prominent figures such as Andrew Carnegie) supported the Tuskegee Institute in AL, which was Washington’s school for skilled technical training, providing job opportunities for African-Americans, since it worked within the sphere of limitations of “Separate But Equal”. 
     Also in play was TR’s view of western whites, which was mostly positive. TR had spent a few years in the Dakotas working his way to becoming a real cowboy, actually earning the respect of the real cowboys in his employ and in the territory. As far as TR was concerned, it was possible for whites in the lower-classes to move up, at least to a certain level. TR’s experience in the Dakotas made him well-suited to be the actual commander of the Rough Riders in the Spanish-American War (1898), which was multi-racial and multi-class across the socio-economic spectrum. TR was able to communicate and relate with all the men in his command, earning their respect in-and-out of battle, even though he was an upper-class elite from NY. That being said, TR believed that Anglo-Saxons were the “superior white”, which did negatively affect his views towards poor Southern whites. To TR, the distinct and superior “Cowboy Culture” in the West didn’t exist in the South. 
    TR was unimpressed with Southern whites, but he admired hard-working African-Americans. However, as President TR did nothing to protect their right to vote, seeing it as a line that should not be crossed on his end. TR truly believed that the days of the rednecks were numbered, in that he was a totally unabashed eugenicist, constantly preaching that the civic duty of women was to breed a generation of healthy and disciplined children for the benefit of the nation. TR’s first public support of eugenics occurred during 1903, and by 1905 he was giving speeches on the topic, where he worried about “race suicide” and encouraged white women of “Anglo-American” stock to have 4 - 6 children. To TR, women who shirked their reproductive duties were worse than deserters from an army during war.

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     During 1906, TR pushed for the passage of a constitutional amendment that would place marriage and divorce under the control of the federal government. To TR, taking the laws concerning marriage and divorce away from the states served a eugenics purpose, in that every die-hard eugenics supporter believed that Americans did not have the individual right to marry or to reproduce. In their view, “germ-plasm” (the term used before genes) belonged to society, in that “unfit” children would become a burden, even more so as adults. It was during this eugenics craze during the 1910s that eugenics reformers demanded that the federal government provide incentives to ensure “proper breeding”, which was where the idea for tax exemptions for children originated. TR supported the proposed incentive, but complained that it only applied to two children, where he believed it would discourage parents from having more children. 
     TR had plenty of company, in that the eugenics mania of the time included scientists, journalists, politicians, and academics, where eugenics courses were added to the curriculum of colleges and universities. During that mania, state laws were passed that imposed marriage restrictions, “sexual segregation” (as if that could ever be enforced), and most significantly, state-enforced sterilization of those designated as “unfit”. 
      Charles Davenport, a Harvard-trained biologist and professor, established what became known as the Eugenics Record Office on Long Island in 1904. Davenport was a member of the Eugenics Section of the American Breeders Association, which included such prominent figures as Alexander Graham Bell. When eugenicists thought of the degenerate “unfit”, they automatically focused on poor Southern whites, which was illustrated by Davenport’s opinion that if  immigration wasn’t regulated by the federal government, NYC would turn into Mississippi. Davenport was a true-believer in Social Darwinism, where he viewed those from rural America that moved to the cities were among the “fittest”, which meant that the weaker and inferior populations left behind would wither on the vine. 


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     Eugenicists suggested three solutions in order to “cull” and “cultivate” American bloodlines, each one more horrifying: 1) Legislation that allowed the segregation and quarantine of the “unfit” from the general population; 2) Castration of criminals and the sterilization of the diseased/degenerate classes, and; 3) Simply kill the unfit, which sadly was not a fringe idea at the time. By 1931, 27 states had passed sterilization laws, with 34 categories overall identifying people that would be subject to that involuntary surgical procedure. And especially in the South, it became popular for white women to pledge to a “eugenic marriage”. In Louisiana in 1908, a “Better Baby” contest was held, which expanded to “Fitter Family” competitions in state fairs in the South. In those contests, judges examined and graded families just like cattle, and the winners received medals, just like prize bulls. 
     During 1910 a new eugenics term came into use: “Moron”. A moron was more intelligent compared to idiots and imbeciles, but far more problematic in that they could pass for “normal”. For example, eugenicists believed women morons could easily become servants and then seduce young men, or be seduced by those young men, thus creating more “morons”, or worse. That fear of promiscuous poor white women led eugenics reformers to push for more asylums into which that group could be sent, using the word “segregation”; that desire showed that the major target of the eugenics movement were poor white women. Davenport wanted to quarantine those “dangerous” women during their fertile years, but as time passed it became clear to eugenicists that sterilizing women was far cheaper and easier than “segregating” them. Southern eugenicists argued that sterilization was the superior strategy, in that those poor white women not only wouldn’t reproduce, but they could return to work in their menial jobs since they were no longer a “breeding” threat. 
     World War I poured gasoline on the already aflame eugenics movement. The US Army refused to issue soldiers condoms while in training camps in the US, in that the top brass believed there was no way they could regulate sexual desire. Instead, the Army and citizen groups rounded up about 30k prostitutes, placing as many as possible in detention centers and jails, away from the training soldiers. Eugenicists loudly decried and complained that a volunteer army would fight the war in Europe, in that only the “best” (white) men would volunteer, which would leave the “white trash” to beget the next race.


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   World War I advanced “intelligence testing” in the US, where the Army gathered information that confirmed their view that African-Americans and poor Southern whites were of low intelligence. The overall results of those tests led the Army to conclude that the typical soldier was at the “moron” level, which meant the equivalent of a 13 year-old boy. The lack of available and quality public education in the South meant that the results of the Army’s tests were inevitable. The gap in education levels in the North and South before the Civil War had not really closed at all during the half-century before World War I; many Southern men that took that intelligence test had never before held a pencil. 
     When Southern white men were given Army physicals, doctors found that overall they were physically less-fit due to such “white trash” diseases as hookworm, which was spread by a lack of sanitation (even outhouses were rare among the poor whites in the South). The rural South was viewed as an absolute eugenics disaster, where millions of Americans believed they were a threat to the future of the nation. To those that supported eugenics, a new “race problem” had emerged, that of the “worthless class of anti-social whites”. 
     During 1924 in VA, the Racial Integrity Act was passed, which prohibited marriage between whites and African-Americans (and Natives). That law defined a white as having “pure” Caucasian blood, which meant by law there were the “fit” (“pure” bloodlines) and the “unfit” (“tainted” bloodlines). During 1927 in Buck v. Bell, Associate Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes wrote the majority opinion (the Chief Justice was former President William Howard Taft), which gave the state the power to regulate the breeding of its citizens.

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     Buck v. Bell was very similar to the Dred Scott Decision (1857), in that pedigree could be used to distinguish worthy citizens from the “waste people”. That majority decision held that sterilization was a “civic duty” in order to blunt “generations of imbeciles” from reproducing. That majority opinion claimed that sterilization was far more humane than letting things go as they were, where the “unfit” would starve or be jailed for criminal offenses. By the 1920s, eugenics was ingrained in American culture, where social classes were ranked in terms of “inheritable potential”, and at the top was the so-called “Master Class”. 
     Millions of Americans believed that intelligence was an inherited trait, and that IQ tests showed that the smartest and brightest kids had parents that were well-educated and professionals in their field. A new word was coined, “Aristogenic” (which meant genetic leadership class), in which a “fit” person was born into that station, not due to family wealth or name, but due to superior genetic qualities. The obsession with “white trash” didn’t lose any momentum during the 1920s, where MS, NC, SC, and GA passed sterilization laws like VA, inspired to do so by the Buck v. Bell decision.
     It seems odd to Americans today that the high tide of the eugenics movement occurred during the “Roaring Twenties”, the same decade as Lindbergh’s Trans-Atlantic flight, “Flappers”, and “Speakeasies”. But if there was ever a decade where class consciousness sank its deep roots, it was the 1920s, where social exclusiveness masqueraded as science, where the disdain for “Poor White Trash” intensified. White trash meant “unpure” and “not quite right”, and during that decade there were never more social red flags for which to be on the alert to spot “white trash” for  those whites in the US that viewed themselves, regardless of region, age, or gender, as superior. 


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9a) The Age of Eugenics, Part One

4/21/2026

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Source: Nancy Isenberg. White Trash - The 400-Year Untold History of Class in America (2016)
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     By no later than 1909, “Social Darwinism”, an ugly off-shoot from Darwin’s Theory of Evolution which claimed that only the “fittest survive” in society, had become deeply embedded among those on the ultra-conservative side of the divisive US political landscape. Among the voices that railed against Social Darwinism was W.E.B. DuBois, who argued that the faulty theory had done nothing more than further cement the “evils of class injustice”, denying any meaningful opportunities for African-Americans as well as lower-class whites in their pursuit of racial hegemony (dominance). Among others, DuBois understood that by the early-1900s the stage was set for the dual appeal of Social Darwinism and the eugenics movement. 
     Evolution was based on nature’s laws, whereas eugenics wanted to correct/improve nature. The founder of eugenics, Francis Galton (ironically a cousin of Charles Darwin) and his disciples stressed the need for human intervention to improve race via better breeding. Charles Darwin endorsed eugenics, using animal husbandry in support, citing the pedigree of horses, dogs, etc. before mating in order to propagate the bloodline, so he argued, why not do so with the human race. The eventual pseudoscience that supported eugenics gave many Americans an easy way to differentiate and classify race and social class. 
     The appeal of eugenics and its corresponding fake science that reached its peak during the early-1900s actually began during Reconstruction (1865-77). Republicans in the North wanted to recreate the South in the image of the North, while Southern Democrats wanted to restore elite white rule. The South regained virtually everything it wanted, and the North bought into it via the South’s propaganda of the “Lost Cause”; in effect, the North won the first Civil War, but the South won the second civil war during Reconstruction, not only during 1865 - 1877, but for many decades beyond. Due to those opposing desires from Northern Republicans and Southern Democrats, Darwin’s “survival of the fittest” became the catch-phrase for politicians and the press. As a result, a vocabulary was created that described unnatural and unwanted breeding, as well as the degenerate nature of the worst stocks of people. At the center of that debate was the struggle that pitted poor whites against the recently “freed” African slaves; it was inevitable that poor whites would be dragged into the political and social quagmire of Reconstruction.  ​

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     For most Republicans, rebuilding the South after the Civil War meant: 1) Introducing a free-labor economy, and; 2) Ensuring a loyal population. In order for those two idealistic goals to be achieved, the Republicans calculated that poor Southern whites would help them transform the region, instead of resisting change and dragging the South further down the economic sinkhole. President Andrew Johnson (whom most Presidential historians rank as THE bottom-feeder of all US Presidents) decided to take control of Reconstruction, since Congress was out of session until December 1865, which gave him half-a-year to do so. Johnson’s first move was to declare war on the planter class he so despised, stripping them of their right to vote which would allow poor Southern whites to dominate elections. On the surface, it appeared that Johnson was the champion of the South’s poor whites, and he loudly stated so in the press. 
     Johnson’s reconstructed South would have a three-tiered class system: 1) The disenfranchised planter elite would be able to keep their land (another part of Johnson’s plan for Reconstruction was to give back land to the planter elites, as long as they came to DC to “Kneel Before Zod” (to actually personally beg the President to get their land back) which ended the “40 Acres and a Mule” goal of the Republicans in transferring the confiscated land to the recently-freed slaves) but would not have any meaningful political influence until they regained the trust of the federal government; 2) The “Middle Ranks” would be dominated by the newly politically dominant poor whites, who were to serve as the barrier keeping the planter elites from taking back power, and; 3) Recently-freed African slaves were to be treated as “resident aliens”, possessing basic civil rights but blocked from voting. In essence, Johnson’s vision for a reconstructed South was to create a “White Trash Republic”, where the real political power rested with the masses of the previously oppressed poor whites, of which Johnson was one back in his youth, as an apprentice. 
     Republicans kept clamoring for land ownership and the right to vote for African-Americans during Reconstruction, which was a primary factor that led to a “War of the Races”, poor whites vs. African-Americans. As Johnson saw it, the formerly dispossessed classes, poor whites and African-Americans, would wage a vicious struggle for survival among themselves; in his view, that conflict was the fault of the Republicans, who kept insisting on voting rights for African-Americans in the South.

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     The Freedmen’s Bureau, created in 1865 before Lincoln’s Assassination. was tasked with providing relief to “all refugees, and all freedmen”, regardless of race. For example, in AL, AR, MO, and TN, the bureau extended as much as four times the relief to poor whites compared to recently-freed slaves, and in GA over 175k poor whites received food/provisions. To most Republicans, the Freedmen’s Bureau provided a “helping hand”, but to many others in the North, that assistance was a “hand out” to undeserving “Poor White Trash” that allowed them to live off of government largesse. During 1868, a former Union officer in the Freedman’s Bureau wrote a report that stated that African-Americans had made great progress from the bureau’s efforts. That former Union officer went on to write that  the same could not be said of that “pitiable class of poor whites”, which according to him hadn’t progressed at all despite the bureau’s efforts. In the eyes of many Americans, the “Poor White Trash” had never left the starting line after receiving federal government support. 
     Journalists from such widely-circulated publications as the Atlantic Monthly and the New York Times toured the South in 1866, and reported the exact same sentiments that the former Union officer in the Freedman’s Bureau stated two years later. The insistence of those  Republican-leaning journalists that poor whites ranked below African-Americans in the Southern social ladder was not unexpected, in that there was a general feeling in the North that African-Americans were more eager to learn and to take advantage of opportunities compared to poor Southern whites. That prevailing view led to the belief that African-Americans were far more deserving of the new opportunities afforded them during Reconstruction than “Poor White Trash”, which included the right to vote. 
     It was at that point the vocabulary became ominous, in that poor whites were not just freaks of nature on the fringe of society, but a threat, a “fungus growth”, which would weaken the South, breeding more-and-more “inferior stock”. During Reconstruction, Republicans labeled “Poor White Trash” as a dangerous class that produced a flood of bastards, vagrants, and criminals, violating every sexual norm. By the late-1860s, the idea that Darwin’s “severe law” of natural selection would kill-off most “Poor White Trash” took root. Also, the idea that “Poor White Trash” was a measure of the lack of evolutionary human progress became widespread during-and-after Reconstruction; the line from degeneracy to eugenics was growing shorter and shorter.


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     During Reconstruction, Southern Democrats worked to build-up meaningful opposition to the Republicans, and they used racial arguments as their ammunition. Southern Democrats loudly complained about the loss of a “White Man’s Government”, and obsessively focused on “unhealthy race-mixing”, where their favorite slur was “mongrel”. To Southern Democrats, Republican policies would create a “Mongrel Republic”, where racial mixing would run amok. Southern Democrats didn’t stop there, in that two more enemies of the South were identified, Carpetbaggers and Scalawags. A carpetbagger was a despicable mudsill Northerner coming down to the South in order to profit from its misery (there were many Northerners that bought land cheap in the South, seeing the region as an “emerging economy”). A scalawag was far worse, in that he was a Southern white Republican traitor that sold his soul and sold out his race by helping the Northern Republicans try to reshape the South. 
     In his veto of the Civil Right bill (of which Congress overrode, creating the Civil Rights Act of 1866), Johnson signified that he was at political war with the Republicans, which ratcheted-up the conflict in terms of who would be in control of Reconstruction, Congress or the President. That political conflict led to the impeachment and near-removal of President Johnson, while also giving momentum for the 14th and 15th Amendments to be ratified (1868 and 1870, respectively). To Southern white Democrats, the avalanche of Republican legislation over Johnson’s vetoes was an attack on the “purity of blood” and the social exclusiveness that was so treasured by the Southern elites. That feeling of being under attack led to the focus of protecting Southern white women, which in turn led to the creation of secret societies, most famously the Ku Klux Klan in TN right after the Civil War, as well as the Knights of the White Camelia in LA not long after. Members of those secret Southern societies swore to prevent the “production of a bastard and degenerate progeny”. ​

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     For both political parties, race was linked with class, which was why scalawags in the South came under verbal and physical attack. To Southern white Democrats, a scalawag was the “Enemy Within”, whereas a carpetbagger was a lesser of the two enemies, an invader from the outside. Southern elites used the terms “mongrels”, “carpetbaggers”, and “scalawags” to vent their fury at the threat of their social order being altered, even destroyed. During the general campaign of 1868, the Democratic ticket of Horatio Seymour and Francis Blair, Jr. amplified the “purity of blood” obsession with the campaign slogan “This is a White Man’s Country - Let White Men Rule”. But that slogan in no way meant all white men, in that the scalawag, which was the Democratic ticket’s boogeyman in the campaign of 1868, was the epitome of unwanted and dangerous white trash. 
     To Southern white Democrats, scalawags were human waste with unnatural ambition for their social class, biologically unfit and stirring-up the muck, but nonetheless very clever. Southern politics thrived on that kind of symbolism, which was based on the common revulsion of the real and imagined dregs of society, no matter the race. When the “lessers” in the South dared to speak up, the Southern elites, due to nothing more than heredity, couldn’t stand it. Therefore, “mongrels” and “scalawags” became the twin pillars of hate, where their associated threats of racial and class instability were fused together for political gain by the Southern elites. 
     The 13th Amendment abolishing slavery was ratified in the immediate aftermath of the Civil War, and Southern elites imagined a hellscape of sexual deviance that would destroy their pure bloodlines. The ratification of the 14th Amendment in 1868 intensified those fears, in that “Equal Protection Under the Law” now applied to African-Americans; to Southern elites, their world had been turned upside-down by Republican overreach and tyranny. When Reconstruction ended in 1877, soon enough most of the Southern elites that were in power before the Civil War returned, which was called “Redemption” in the South. 
     Starting in the 1880s, Northern and Southern whites started to reconnect, in large part due to the North buying into the “Lost Cause”, which had become a de facto religion in the South, and an accepted revision of history in the North. The “Lost Cause” was widely accepted in the North for decades until World War II, with the most famous example proving it being the incredible popularity of the book and movie “Gone With the Wind” in the late-1930s, where the movie in particular celebrated the “Lost Cause” (adjusted for inflation, the movie “Gone With the Wind” remains the biggest money-making movie in theaters in US History).
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8) The Civil War As Class Warfare

4/20/2026

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Source: Nancy Isenberg. White Trash - The 400-Year Untold History of Class in America (2016)
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     Wars in general, in particular civil wars, exacerbate class tensions, in that the sacrifices are not spread out equally, with the poor being affected the most. When Jefferson Davis took the oath of office to become the president of the Confederate States of America in Montgomery (AL) during February 1861, his idea of a homogenic “American Breed” of person was fully entrenched in the South. At its core, that view was “Us vs Them”, which for decades had been useful as justification for spreading the Southern way of life (the planters way of life) into the West. That view was also a major factor in starting the Civil War, in that “Us vs. Them” was directly linked to protecting slavery. When Southern states started to secede from the Union (starting with SC during December 1860), further distinctions along that line of thinking had to be made, with references to the “Days of ‘76”, which all in the South understood to be a cry to a return to the virtuous pedigree of the Founding (Southern) Fathers. 
     During the Civil War in late-1862, Davis openly called the men of the Union armies “miscreants”, which proved that the South had a superior “breed” of human compared to the North. Davis claimed that it was impossible that the North and South could ever be reunited, in that the North was spawned from “vagabond stock” and “swamp people”. Davis vehemently stated that no true “Son of the South” would ever allow himself to be forced to join his lessers. During early-January 1863 in speech in Richmond (VA; the capital of the Confederacy replacing Montgomery), Davis made it clear that during the Revolutionary War the nation fought against Britain, a “manly foe”, but in the Civil War the Confederacy was at war with the “offscourings of the earth”, in that the Yankees were worse than “hyenas”. Davis had done his absolute best to dehumanize the Northern enemy in the eyes of Southern whites, classifying the North as inferior whimpering cowards that hunted its innocent prey in packs. 


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     Wars are not just about firing bullets, but also about firing off words. Even before the first shots of the Civil War were fired at Fort Sumter in Charleston (SC) on 12 April 1861, the Confederacy had demonized the North as debased and vile. In contrast, Confederate rhetoric portrayed the “Sons of the South” as obviously superior in breed, that their very existence depended on independence from the Yankee horde. In order to shield themselves from beyond-obvious treason (according to the Constitution, levying war against the government is treason), the Confederacy draped itself with the mandate that it was preserving an American identity that the North had corrupted. Therefore, the Confederacy needed an ideology that was greatly appealing to all Southern whites, but that also masked the deep social divisions in the region. 
     There were many differences among the 11 Southern states that made up the Confederacy, such as the economic and social tensions between the cotton-producing Gulf states and the far more economically diverse Southern states further north, such as TN and the western part of VA (which seceded from the Confederacy in 1863 to become the Union state of WV). And then there were the Border States that remained in the Union (MO, KY, DE, MD), where slavery was allowed - Lincoln claimed that he didn’t have the authority to abolish slavery where it already existed, knowing full well he’d lose all four states to the Confederacy if he did so. Even though the Border States were slave states, their economies were very different from the cotton-producing Deep South and VA, and well over 150k whites from those four states fought in Union armies. 
     Davis had to constantly deal with the widening divisions between the planter slave-owning elites and the poor whites in the Confederacy, which was exacerbated by the draft; the claims of white homogeneity in the South were purely in the imagination of the planter elites, not a reality. Davis’ name-calling had a specific purpose, in that the Confederacy  contended that the North’s greatest failure was its reliance on lower-class whites for “free labor”. Davis, as with all other Southern planter elites, was convinced that African slavery elevated poor Southern whites by ensuring their superiority over African slaves, thereby ensuring a stable society. Those Southern planter elites were very wrong, in that during the years before the Civil War, the class hierarchy in the region was the most extreme it had ever been, which would lead to class conflict. 
     Before the Civil War, the pejorative Southern slang of “mudsill” was used to not only describe the inferior Northerner, but also the entire Northern socio-economic system. During the Civil War, Union soldiers were “mudsills”, which to Southerners meant that Northern soldiers were urban toughs, dirt farmers, greasy mechanics, and unclean immigrants, all “waste people”, from which the Southerns superior breed needed to be independent (all in the name of wealthy planters protecting slavery). 


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    To Southern elites, Northerners had debased humanity, where in the South there was a clear line between African slaves and whites, which in their view led to a much more ordered and stable society. That Confederate ideology converted the Civil War into a class war, in that the entire South was fighting against degenerate Union “mudsills” that threatened everything sacred: No class-mixing, race-mixing, no redistribution of wealth, and most of all, keeping slavery intact. That Confederate rhetoric was used to keep the existing Southern hierarchy in power, which meant slavery had to continue forever (on large plantations in the South, the value of African slaves was greater than the land, mansion, outbuildings, equipment, and crops combined). That rhetoric bent over backwards to claim that the Confederate government would never oppress lower-class whites, unlike the North did with their “mudsills”. 
     In the South during the Civil War, concerns over class never abated, which tremendously increased when the Union allowed Black soldiers to be in uniform (although rarely allowed to fight), which represented a clear threat to the rigid Southern class structure held sacred by the planter elites (by 1864, the Confederacy forced African slaves to be in “uniform” in order to build fortifications, due to the incredible shortage of poor white manpower). Confederate leaders had to find a way to redirect the intense hostility of poor Southern whites in uniform, especially after the Conscription Act of 1862, which drafted white men from the ages of 18 to 35. Making things worse were the exemptions for the elites as well as those in indispensable trades, which meant that poor Southern whites were the “low hanging fruit” for the draft (by 1864 in the Confederacy, the draft age-range was 17 - 50). 
    As the Civil War started in earnest during the Summer of 1861, both the North and South believed the other was an alien culture on its way to extinction. To the planter elites in the South, education and the desire for social mobility were seen as subversive [to those planter elites, “Achieved Status”, a.k.a. upwards social mobility, was seen as an “End of Days” threat]. Those in the South that sold Hinton Rowan Helper’s “The Impending Crisis in the South” were arrested, and some were even hanged. Unsurprisingly, in that unbending rigid class system, the overwhelming majority of Southern whites lagged far behind Northern whites in literacy rates by at least a 6-to-1 margin. That imbalance suited the planter elites just fine, in that they wanted the poor white (and African slave) masses to be as uneducated and malleable as possible. 
     As the Civil War approached and began, the planter elites firmly believed that the poor whites would enthusiastically do the dirty work in the war out of the fear of dropping to the social level of African slaves. The Confederate government did its absolute best to isolate itself in a fantasyland bubble from poor whites, believing that the lower-classes would follow their lead in an unquestioning manner. But as the Civil War dragged on, the reality that their aristocratic class would be washed away by a torrent of Northern “mudsills” and emancipated African slaves slowly crept into the consciousness of those ruling planter elites. Also working up the planter elites to a frenzy was the fear that after losing the Civil War, the “Poor White Trash” of the South would “outbreed” the elites and outnumber them at the ballot box.


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     Throughout the Civil War in the South (as well as in the North), unfair draft policies sparked controversy, especially the substitution system, where a higher-class white could pay a poor white to go fight in his place. In the South, the list of whites that could benefit from that substitution system of course included the planter elites, but also teachers and factory workers (of which there were very few in the South compared to the North), ministers, and politicians. Once in the ranks, poor Southern whites were viewed as nothing more than cannon fodder by their high-ranking officers. One poor white soldier from AL summed it up: “They think all you are fit for is to stop bullets for them, your betters, who call you poor white trash”. 
     An odious, even insidious, part of the draft in the Confederacy was the “20 Slave Law”, which granted exemptions to landowners that had 20 or more African slaves; that provision further shielded from the draft the already-pampered wealthy elites as well as his property. Among the non-slaveholding population across the non-elite social classes in the Confederacy, especially among poor whites, was the refusal to fight and/or the belief that the wealthy should at least be taxed at a far higher rate in order to pay for the war that entirely benefited them. Poor white soldiers viewed themselves as “Conditional Confederates”, where their loyalty to their family was far greater than their loyalty to their government. 
     Class identity divided the ranks in the Confederate armies throughout the Civil War, and desertion among poor whites in uniform reached the point that by August 1863, General Robert E. Lee begged president Jefferson Davis to do something about it. Davis eventually issued an amnesty order, which meant that if the deserting soldiers returned, all would be forgiven. When deserters were captured, the punishments that were favored over execution included humiliation, such as being put in chains or forced to wear a barrel with straps over each shoulder to keep it on, where the deserter was naked underneath. To the Confederate deserters, denying the armies their presence was the best way to resist the tyrannical rule of the planter elites. Class divided Southern soldiers in other ways, such as only about 10% of the substitutes reported for duty, and as many as 180k “Reluctant Rebels” resisted as long as they could until they finally joined the ranks late in the Civil War. There was very little deep attachment to the Confederacy among the poor whites in the South. Those groups of poor white men and their families became the anarchists the Southern planter elites had long feared would arise, with perhaps the most famous example being in MS, where the “Free State of Jones” seceded from the Confederacy, a “Poor White Trash” sanctuary in the home state of Jefferson Davis.


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     A food shortage among the Confederate armies fueled further discontent. From the onset of the Civil War, the Confederacy was not able to grow/provide food and fight the war at the same time, in that one came at the expense of the other. President Lincoln was fully aware of that fact, where he did his best to force the Confederacy to fight the Civil War on as many fronts as possible. The planter elites refused to stop growing cotton and grow staple crops, even in the face of reduced forced labor after Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation (officially on 1 January 1863), which was designed in large part to further reduce the ability of the Confederacy to provide food for its soldiers (by 1864, a sizeable number of soldiers in Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia were on the verge of starvation). 
     That severe food shortage was also experienced on the homefront in the 11 Confederate states, where escalating inflation worsened the crisis. The wealthy planter elites hoarded food as well as scarce supplies, which led to mobs of angry Southern white women to raid stores and warehouses across the South as early as 1862. Those women rioters were basically the equivalent of the male deserters, where both shattered the illusion of shared sacrifice and loyalty in the Confederacy that the planter elites so lauded. In the aftermath of the Richmond food riot in 1863, the pro-Union magazine Vanity Fair reported the event, exposing to readers the reality of the deep class divisions among Southerners. The Vanity Fair article featured a provocative artistic depiction of the riot with the caption reading, “Pity the Poor Rebels”. That illustration featured a caricature of Jefferson Davis being tied down by Southern “Lilliputians”, which were depicted as tiny African slaves. 
    Lincoln had to deal with a different kind of symbolism, in that the Confederacy had portrayed him as the “President of the Mudsills”, his humble origins ammunition for his enemies, not only in the South, but also in the North, including within the Republican Party. Southern newspapers portrayed Davis as “born to command”, whereas Lincoln was an “Illinois Ape”. Being born in KY in a poor family relegated Lincoln to the category of “Poor White Trash” in the eyes of the planter elites, as well as many higher-class whites in the North. During his presidential campaign in 1860, Lincoln used the “mudsill” label as a badge of pride, converting it to a rallying cry for democracy. The most famous image in that rhetoric was Lincoln portraying himself as a “Rail-Splitter”, which meant that he built his own fences, like many other average Americans.


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   Due to the rigid class system of the Confederacy, which led to the further exploitation of poor whites during the Civil War, Republican members of Congress and the Union military strongly advocated for a confiscation policy, which would take the land/wealth away from the planter elites in the Confederacy. That proposed policy was caused in part due to the large influx of poor Southern whites flocking to St. Louis (among other Union cities), and it was believed that the planter elites should cover the cost of that unwanted migration. Caravans of Southern “Poor White Trash” traveled to northwest MO in scenes that would be repeated in greater numbers during the Dust Bowl with the so-called “Okies”. 
     Senator Andrew Johnson (D; TN), the only Southern Senator that remained loyal to the Union (mostly due to his hatred of the planter elites), was viewed as a hero in the North (up until 4 March 1865, when he was sworn-in as Vice-President) during the Civil War, and of course a villain in the Confederacy. During the Civil War, Lincoln appointed Johnson to serve as the military governor of TN, where he basically declared war on what he called the “traitorous aristocrats” in the state. Johnson assessed and then enforced the collection of taxes on the TN elites that were to subsidize poverty-stricken poor whites; if Lincoln was “white trash” in the eyes of Southern elites, Johnson was viewed as far worse. 
     By early-1864, it had become obvious to the military leaders and politicians of the Union that the Civil War was a war of attrition, and that the Confederacy needed to be humiliated and punished on the way to total Union victory. During the latter-half of 1864, “Sherman’s March to the Sea” and subsequent march into the Carolinas was the most infamous example of humiliating and punishing the South, where Sherman’s intention was to make the wealthy planters pay via the destruction of their property. While that occurred, Sherman’s “Bummers” went after every homestead in their path, regardless of class, further impoverishing poor Southern whites. As far as Sherman was concerned, Southern planters were “traitorous tenants”, and could be expelled by their landlord, the federal government. Sherman’s view flatly rejected the argument of states’ rights, the holy grail of the Confederacy that served as a political shield to protect slavery and the class status of the planter elites. Sherman wasn’t alone in believing that if the planter class had their property confiscated, that the rigid class system in the rebel states would at least become far less inflexible. 
     By the end of the Civil War, destroying the Confederate planter class in order to elevate poor whites in the South became an equal cause to ending slavery, more so for an increasing number of Northerners. However, there were many in the North that believed that it was an impossible mission to raise the quality of life for poor Southern whites, in that the “Poor White Trash” would never take advantage of their new opportunities after the Civil War.

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7) Prelude to the Civil War: The Evolution of "White Trash"

4/15/2026

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Source: Nancy Isenberg. White Trash - The 400-Year Untold History of Class in America (2016)
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     The years of sectional crisis that led to the Civil War changed the language concerning class identity in the US. In the North, the lowly squatter was now viewed as a creature of the Southern slave states, and the slang terms “Squatter” and “Cracker” were no longer in prevalent use to describe poor whites. The labels used during the years before the Civil War to describe poor whites in the South (and by many in the North as well as Southern Elites) became “Sandhillers”, and the more-used “Clay-Eaters” - but it was during those antebellum years where the most enduring insult of all was created: “Poor White Trash”. Poor Southern whites were not just viewed as lazy idle vagrants, they had become a diseased breed of human. 
     The label “white trash” appeared in print as early as 1821, and by the 1850s the pejorative label was in wide use. A turning point in that shift seemed to occur during the funeral of Andrew Jackson in 1845, when a DC newspaper used the phrase “poor white trash” to describe who made up most of the crowd for the funeral procession. During the years before the Civil War, those that used the label knew “poor white trash” the moment they saw them, in that they were prematurely aged, deformed,  had a yellow-white tinge for skin color (“tallow”), were highly inbred, loved to drink, and loved the dirt. Southern poor white trash in particular were classified as a separate race, which like African slavery eliminated any chance for social mobility. There were millions of Americans that believed Southern poor whites had fallen below African slaves on the scale of humanity, representing a dire future of the entire region. In that way of thinking, democracy itself was at risk, since in the future there would be far too few educated whites that had the “Right Stuff”. 
     In the South during the 1850s, Jefferson’s vision of at least partial upward mobility for poor whites had vanished, as had Jackson’s celebration of the “Intrepid Backwoodsman”. During that decade, poor whites had become a political symbol in the increasingly tense sectionalism between the North and the South. To Northerners opposed to slavery, be they Abolitionists, members of the Free Soil Party (mid-1840s), or the Republican Party (1854), poor Southern whites were proof that African slavery destroyed free labor. Slavery had closed-off economic opportunities, crushed ambition, killed the vitality of the land; poor Southern whites were the innocent victims of aristocratic class tyranny (during 1861 at the start of the Civil War, if a Union soldier was asked why he was fighting, he would have stated that he was fighting to end the “Tyranny of Aristocracy” in the South). According to that view, with every succeeding generation, the population in the South would sink hopelessly deeper and deeper into barbarism.
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     Pro-Slavery Southerners had a much different view, where they defended their rigid class structure as being purely natural, in that biology was destiny (which was another way to express White Supremacy). Southerners higher-up in the social order insisted that poor whites possessed a corrupt pedigree, which doomed them to forever be in their social station (in other words, ascribed, or assigned, social status at birth). Therefore, it was lineage (bloodlines) that made poor Southern whites permanent “trash”. That view was held by many Northerners as well, even those that were opposed to African slavery, including Harriet Beecher Stowe. In her 1856 book “Dred: A Tale of the Great Dismal Swamp”, Stowe described poor Southern whites as a degenerate social class beyond saving. During 1857, Hinton Rowan Helper’s “The Impending Crisis of the South” was published, which served as a bombshell in the North and the South. Helper’s father was a “small planter” in NC, and as a young adult Hinton became incredibly frustrated at his lack of upward social and economic mobility due to the wealth and power of the Planter Elites, which was an impenetrable barrier. 
     Helper researched the results of the Census of 1850 for his book, where he provided mountains of evidence that showed that the Southern slave-based economy was at best stagnant, while the Northern economy had greatly expanded. Helper placed the blame entirely on the Planter Elites for exploiting poor Southern whites in order to ensure their life of wealth and power. Helper went so far as to claim that poor Southern whites had been duped, then controlled against their will, and were bound for extinction if African slavery continued. Helper’s “Impending Crisis” was a best-seller in the North, and was used by the Republicans in the Presidential campaign of 1860 as a bludgeon against the Southern way of life. The “Impending Crisis” also illustrates that while the Civil War was mostly about African slavery, it was also about class tensions among the white population, especially in the South. 
     Poor Southern whites were not just seen as a danger to those above them in the social order, it was feared that they would spread their “contagion” into the vastness of the West. In an incredibly short timeframe, the US had greatly expanded west by around 800 million acres, 250 million alone with the annexations of TX in 1845 and OR in 1846, and then millions more as a result of the Mexican-American War (1846-48). During President James Knox Polk’s single term in office (he was from TN, a political protege of Jackson, known as “Young Hickory”), via negotiations and war, the Pacific Northwest and most of the Southwest were added to the US. The last section of land in the Pacific Southwest was gained via the Gadsden Purchase in 1854 during the Presidency of Franklin Pierce, which was predicated on the idea of a southern route for a future transcontinental railroad (in that treaty, Mexico exacted a promise that the US would never again even ask for additional Mexican territory). 

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     As the focus of the nation turned westward, “Manifest Destiny” became a sort of national religion, where it was the certain future of white Americans to populate and then dominate the vast region. Running alongside that way of thinking was the idea that the nation’s greatness depended on heredity (bloodlines), in that it was believed that traits such as love of liberty, work ethic, and honesty were inherited, not learned. That belief by millions of Americans held that if an “uncivilized” person (e.g. “Poor White Trash”, as well as African slaves) was totally incapable of becoming “civilized” if placed in a positive environment. In other words, the future greatness of the US depended on its pure-blood white pedigree. 
     That obsession with bloodlines was seemingly everywhere in the literature before the Civil War, such as comparing human breeding to horse breeding (“Human Thoroughbreds”). The collective fear was that America’s future would be derailed by the infusion of “bad blood” (in that way of thinking, mulattos were unnatural offspring, “faulty stock”). Texas and California were the objects of Anglo-Saxon bloodline fantasy, with Sam Houston leading the charge in TX. Ironically, Houston, as the first President of the Lone Star Republic (1836-45) had lived among the Cherokee from 1829-33, where he had two Native wives. But once in power in TX, Houston did his absolute best to advance the white race. Houston’s successor as president, Mirabeau Buonaparte Lamar, went much further, engaging in an “extermination war” against the Cherokee and Comanche nations. By that point, the TX constitution denied citizenship to non-whites, and even under Houston’s presidency, passed laws that banned interracial marriage. 
     During 1849, a bill was introduced in the TX state legislature that wanted to make castration of criminals legal in order to keep that inferior class from reproducing. That bill did not pass, but it was just ahead of its time, in that future eugenic efforts were to come in the US. Despite all the rhetoric of pure white bloodlines, the reality was that people were (and are) never careful in choosing mates, which meant racial mixing was quite common in TX, and the population of Tejanos (the offspring of white settlers with Mexican or Native women) increased. By the time TX became a state at the end of 1845, Anglo-Texans viewed the dark-skinned Tejanos as an inferior class, where Mexicans were included with Blacks and Natives, all classified as a “Mongrel Race”; mongrel was another word for “Half-Breeds” (mulattos), those of “polluted lineage”. 


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     In CA like TX, many of the first white settlers were runaway debtors, criminals, gamblers, and rogue adventurers that thrived on unorganized chaos. Then the CA Gold Rush started in 1848, where even more “inferior” settlers arrived in droves. Though CA entered the Union as a “Free State” in 1850, prohibiting African slavery, the state legislature passed laws that actually permitted indentured servitude. During the first four years of CA’s statehood (1850-54), almost 20k Natives became indentured servants; in effect, CA had become early-Jamestown on a much larger scale, even with its unbalanced ratio of far too many men compared to women. 
     Hinton Rowan Helper spent three years in CA, and he came away hating the state, having nothing positive to say about anyone in the lower classes; even though he was declared an enemy of the South by the elite planters, Helper was nonetheless a White Supremacist, as well as a “Social Class Supremacist”. Chinese immigrants in CA especially irked Helper, in that they had the gall to think they were superior to Anglo-Saxons. As a result of his three years in CA, Helper published “Land of Gold” in 1855, where he expressed his negative views towards CA’s lower classes. In that book, Helper also started his arguments against African slavery, two years before the publication of his “Impending Crisis”. 
     Although the Republican Party opposed the spread of African slavery in the West, that anti-slavery position wasn’t without high anxiety over pedigree, race mixing, and degenerate “breeds” of humans. The Free Soil Party of the mid-1840s/early-1850s fueled the belief that freemen could not coexist with African slaves, just like the belief that Anglo-Saxons couldn’t coexist with Natives. To far too many Free Soilers (and then Republicans), abolishing slavery was about protecting and promoting the “right” populations in the white race instead of emancipating African slaves. Free Soilers envisioned three steps in order to get rid of African slavery: 1) Slavery had to be kept out of the western territories, period; 2) Accomplishing that, slavery would slowly die out in the South, and; 3) Actually ending slavery required colonizing former slaves elsewhere in Africa or South America. Colonizing newly-freed African slaves was a prevailing view back then, endorsed by Lincoln and Helper among many other influential Republicans.

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     The Wilmot Proviso of 1846 encapsulated the first step, which was a proposal in the House that would ban the expansion of slavery in any territory taken as a result of the (just started) Mexican-American War. While the proviso (a legislative “suggestion”) never passed on its own, or as a rider to a bill, it started an intense sectional debate over the spread of slavery to the west. The pending Homestead bill went nowhere in Congress until 11 Southern states seceded from the Union, where Northern Congressmen and Senators (Andrew Johnson of TN was the only Southern Senator that didn’t vacate his seat) passed the Homestead Act in 1862. That act guaranteed a free homestead of 160 acres for whites, pending productive development of the land. That law provided a pathway for the squatter to become a titled landowner, but it also was a “lure” in order to decrease the number of undesirable poor whites in the North. 
     The politics of the Free Soilers were simple enough on the surface: Southern planters were spreading slavery west at the expense of free labor (that exact same situation was occurring in the South, with wealthy planters buying out or forcing out small landowners to expand their landholdings as well as to increase their number of African slaves). However, a closer look at the Free Soilers (and the early Republican Party) revealed that their main focus was to have the back of whites that were not wealthy, but not “Poor White Trash” either. During his campaign in 1856, John C. Fremont, the first Republican Presidential candidate, made what was just below the surface abundantly clear when he made the white “freeman” central to his platform. Fremont vowed to prevent Northern white laborers from becoming reduced to indentured servitude in the West. 
    Fremont’s Free Soiler-inspired platform wasn’t any sort of guarantee that Southern “Poor White Trash” would ever be allowed to succeed and move up the social ladder once they reached the West, in that they were still viewed to be of an inferior pedigree. During 1854, the Transcendentalist Henry David Thoreau wrote that Southern poor whites should be used as “manure” in colonizing the West, in effect sacrificed as “fertilizer” for the subsequent economic growth. Harriet Beecher Stowe echoed Thoreau’s thinking, claiming that Southern poor whites were already exiles, and their only hope for the future was to be uplifted by their betters.
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     During the 1840s/1850s, it was very common in Southern states to disenfranchise poor whites for any reason that could be contrived. Social ostracism was also beyond-common, where poor whites had to enter via the back door when entering a master’s house. Only a very small percentage of “Poor White Trash” had any access to homesteads in the South, with many resorting to scavenging, thievery, and vagrancy. A very common experience was that many poor Southern whites worked in the fields as tenants alongside African slaves, and in such cities as Baltimore and New Orleans, grossly underpaid poor whites worked on the railroads, paving streets, digging ditches, etc. By the 1850s if not before, poor whites in the South had become a permanent social class in the region. The label of “Southern White Trash” was not alone a creation in the North, in that the phrase resonated with Southern elites, replacing such labels as “rubbish”. Very few Americans were concerned, or much less offered any solution, about the terrible poverty experienced by Southern poor whites. And very few Southerners offered any solution other than to use that “trash” for factory labor. 
     In what was easily one of the very worst decisions in the history of the Supreme Court, in 1857 in Dred Scott vs. Sanford (the “Dred Scott Decision”), the majority opinion was all about pedigree. Chief Justice Roger B. Taney (a slave-owner from MD) stated that African slaves had no rights a white man should honor, and that they were “inferior”. In other words, only pedigree could determine who was a US citizen and a free person, creating a constitutional principle and precedent (which no doubt was a factor in the Plessy vs. Ferguson decision in 1896, the “Separate But Equal” decision). While the Abolitionist Movement advocated the emancipation of African slaves, the last thing working-class whites in the North wanted was an influx of freed slaves competing for jobs and lowering wages, and very few upper-class Northerners spoke of equality among the white population. The main cause of the Civil War was slavery, but a significant secondary reason was the debate and tensions related to class divisions among white populations in the nation, within the North, within the South, and between the North and the South.

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6b) Andrew Jackson & the Common Man, Part Two

4/14/2026

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Source: Nancy Isenberg. White Trash - The 400-Year Untold History of Class in America (2016)
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     About 20 years before Jackson was elected President, squatters and crackers had gradually become the most numerous and dominant segment of the population in the US frontier. To the small middle-class and the wealthy elites east of the Appalachians, the primitive huts of the squatters and crackers, which had been described ad nauseum in newspapers from letters and personal observations, was viewed as his underclass cage, not a home fit for a real human. The distance between the two regions wasn’t just far apart in miles, but also in a semblance of “evolution”, which formed a seemingly insurmountable chasm; e.g. the educated class simply couldn’t believe that squatters and crackers were their fellow citizens (or even deserved that designation).
     Anecdotes from those that traveled and saw women on the frontier stated that squatter and cracker women were brutes that smoked pipes, chewed/spit tobacco, used foul language, and were dressed in dirty/dingy fashion. In the words of one man that had been to backwoods FL, every woman in the cracker class was a “swearing, lazy, idle slut”. Squatters and crackers were common from the backwoods of FL to ME and all the way to the Mississippi River. It wasn’t just the ramshackle dwellings, lack of manners, and rampant breeding that made squatters and crackers a distinct lower social class, but also their language, which was viewed by the upper-classes as not only inferior, but a bastardization of American English (e.g. “Obsquatlate” was apparently a combination of “squat” and “absconding”, or moseying along). 
     While Jackson would become the most famous American from TN by the 1820s, there was another famous Tennessean at the same time. Davy Crockett was a self-taught man that came from the humblest of origins in the west, and worked his way to being elected to the House of Representatives from a TN district in 1827. Crockett, a former squatter, was now in Congress, and he took up the cause of the landless poor. To Crockett, it was “grit” that made a man a real man, something  of which he believed the Eastern Elites came far short compared to someone such as himself.
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     Crockett became a sort of “loveable outcast” in DC, telling tall tales (entertaining “Cracker Bragging”) to anyone that would listen. Crockett was a small-scale TN slave-owner, and he opposed every proposed measure in Congress that would benefit wealthy planters, such as the government selling federal land for a song to plantation owners (he supported a bill that would have sold that same land to squatters at a low price). While Crockett constantly publicly burnished his backwoods bona fides, he was the victim of a cottage industry of unauthorized publications that stereotyped him as a wild uneducated braggart (e.g. the coonskin cap) despite people loving his over-the-top tall tales. That comic depiction of Crockett reduced his level of influence in Congress, but that didn’t stop him from his never-ending quest to expose class conflict in the frontier, especially concerning land speculators. During the general campaign of 1828, Crockett enthusiastically supported Jackson, but soon enough his support of the President disappeared, in large part due to Jackson’s aggressive removal of Native nations in the southwest via the Indian Removal Act. To Crockett, the forced migration of Natives was the same as the forcible removal of squatters. 
     Ironically, Jackson’s allies labeled Crockett as uncouth and uneducated, which were the exact same labels levied against Jackson from the Eastern Elites (and KY’s Henry Clay, who had become one of THE DC Elites) when he ran for President in 1824 and 1828. It wasn’t just Crockett that initially supported and then opposed Jackson, in that there were eventually so many arrayed against the President that the Whig Party was formed (from after the War of 1812 until the early-to-mid-1830s, in effect there was only one de facto political party in the US - the Democrats). Jackson did not look or act like a traditional politician or President, which was the main reason why the “Common Man” supported him with blindly zealous religious fervor. Perhaps unable to be subtle in his reasoning (or choosing not to be subtle), Jackson was beyond-blunt with his opinions and quick to resent and exact retribution for those that opposed him (e..g. during an interview  very shortly after he left the Presidency, Jackson lamented that he had not hanged Henry Clay and shot John C. Calhoun). ​

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     Jackson’s history of military leadership and violence was very well known, such as invading Spanish Florida in 1818 without express permission to do so from President Monroe (although Monroe had via indirect channels let Jackson know that he wasn’t opposed to the action). During the general campaign of 1828, Jackson’s duel from 1806 in TN against Charles Dickinson was resurrected by Henry Clay, which he believed would rally voters towards President John Quincy Adams; in the eyes of the “Common Man”, Jackson, who survived the duel with a bullet lodged very near his heart, became even more popular. Also mentioned by the JQA/Clay campaign was the “Benton Brawl” of 1813 in Nashville, where during a gunfight/knifefight in a hotel lobby, Jackson was badly wounded in the left shoulder. And then there was General Jackson’s incredible upset victory over the British at the Battle of New Orleans on 8 January 1815 (by then his shoulder had barely healed enough for him to be functional), so he was the perfect Presidential candidate for lower-class Americans that viewed him as the very definition of masculine. Jackson’s background and personality characteristics led to his public image being forever connected to the “Cracker” mold, which explained why millions of Americans adored him, and why millions of others hated him with every fiber of their being. 
     Before/During his Presidency, Jackson did his best, using or threatening violence, to open up lands for lower-class whites, much to the initial chagrin of the existing wealthy landowners, especially in the South. To Jackson, Natives were to be forcibly removed in that they were nothing more than trespassers on land meant for whites (also in play were his horrific experiences from Native attacks in NC when he was young; retribution is a word that ALWAYS needs to be associated with Jackson). When he ran for President in 1824 and 1828, Jackson packaged himself as the heroic outsider that was the only candidate that could remove the rampant corruption in DC, which proved to be a huge hook for the millions that voted for him. To the “Common Man” in during the 1820s/1830s, Jackson represented what a “Real Man” should be, a hearty backwoods soul (it was lost on that huge voting bloc that Jackson was a slave-holding Western Elite plantation owner) that fought wars and opened up the frontier for many via his hardships and sacrifices. By 1828, Jackson’s appeal went way beyond his rabid support in the western states, where he won the election in a decisive landslide over President John Quincy Adams. 


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    It was during the general campaign of 1828, via Henry Clay’s machinations, that technically and legally, Rachel Jackson had committed adultery, in that her first marriage hadn’t been legally dissolved when she married Jackson. Rachel’s strategy had been to desert her first husband in order to force divorce proceedings (which was a common strategy in that era), but that was of course never mentioned in Clay’s attacks. Jackson was portrayed as a wife-stealer, which was intended to prove to voters that Jackson didn’t believe that the laws applied to him, which therefore made him unqualified to be President. Rachel Jackson simply couldn’t handle the attacks and the resulting scrutiny and gossip, and she died of what amounted to a stress-related heart attack after the election, but before Jackson was inaugurated. The death of his beloved Rachel further intensified Jackson’s hatred towards his political enemies as he entered the Presidency, where he vowed he would exact revenge. 
     Beyond the issues of class, Jackson changed the nature of politics in the nation, with one aspect being that he introduced the “Game of Brag” to the political arena, exaggerating his experiences and credentials, such as his claim that he was the greatest general in all of human history. Supporters of Jackson in Congress spoke for hours at a time shouting his hallelujahs, currying favor from the President, as well as solidifying their base of support in their district/state. During the 1820s/1830s, bragging had a very distinctive class dimension, in that crackers felt they had to make up for their low social status with braggart behavior, where in their minds boasting made up for the absence of a class pedigree. That was exactly what Jackson had done, which greatly assisted his rise in TN society as well as in state and national politics. 
     While Jackson didn’t have much interest in squatters rights (which was a typical view from a Western Elite planter such as him), the Democrats did with their support of preemption rights, which made it far easier for those that were landless or didn’t have legal title to the land on which they lived to purchase land. Preemption gave squatters the right to settle, improve, and then to buy their land at a low price set by Congress. While there was greater support for squatter’s rights in Congress, there was also the not-so-hidden strategy of using squatters to run point in conquering the untamed frontier. With the squatter as the tip of the spear, forced removal of Natives would occur faster, and then“real” land development would occur, spearheaded by the wealthy, who believed they were the ones that knew what to do with all that newly acquired land.


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    During the general campaigns of 1840, both the Democrats and the Whigs embraced the squatter and cracker in what historians refer to as the “Log Cabin Campaign”.  The Whig candidate, William Henry Harrison, was packaged as the second-coming of Jackson, rising up from humble origins (he was born into an elite VA planter family), a military hero (“Tippecanoe & Tyler Too”), and even a dog lover. Harrion’s campaign was replete with depictions of log cabins; there were even log cabin-shaped whiskey bottles inspired by Harrison’s campaign, sold by Edmund Booz, which was where the word “booze” originated. Also featured in Harrison’s campaign were popular nicknames, coonskin caps, and hard-cider, the drink of the “true” backwoodsman. Although the Democratic Party in Congress for the last several years had supported the plight of the squatter on the frontier, Harrison’s campaign portrayed President Marvin Van Buren as a dandy Eastern Elite. That campaign strategy proved to be very effective, although the main reason for Van Buren’s lopsided defeat was that he was blamed for the economic depression that followed the Panic of 1837, which was the nation’s worst economic downturn to that point in US History. 
     While the squatter and cracker had become “tame” if not lauded, political equality did not result, in that some states refused to relax voter qualifications, mostly in the South. In the backlash against the “Rise of the Average American” during the so-called Age of Jackson, eight states passed laws taking away the right to vote from the urban poor, and many cities/towns enacted far more stringent voter qualifications than did the state legislature. In those localities, a poor white could still vote for Congress or President, but he was barred from voting for local, county, and state candidates. Negative stereotypes of the squatter and cracker persisted, in some cases due to true behaviors, such as showing up to a campaign speech, not to hear the candidate speak, but to drink boatloads of free beer and liquor, which rankled the “educated” voters to no end.
     While political equality was not a reality for the squatter or cracker, there was a general increase in the level of respect towards that lower class. One new political development shows that taking place, in that the squatter/cracker had to be wooed for his vote. A candidate had to speak his language and make some kind of connection, or that candidate would not receive enough votes from that increasingly numerous voting bloc. However, once the election was over, and that winning candidate was back home in his comfortable surroundings, the “Common Man” was forgotten until the next election, so nothing of consequence really improved in the lives of the squatter and the cracker.


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