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21) Election Night 1948 & the Immediate Aftermath

5/18/2025

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                 Source: A.J. Baime. Dewey Defeats Truman - The 1948 Election
                                                   and the Battle For America’s Soul (2020)
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    At the start of Election Night in the Democratic National Committee HQ at the Biltmore Hotel in NYC, there was an empty ballroom. However, as additional results came the optimism grew, and soon radio and television networks set up their microphones and cameras, creating a beehive of activity in the jammed ballroom. Dewey was in his suite at the Roosevelt Hotel with his wife and their wealthy friends taking in the election results.  While he had taken most of New England, Dewey was shocked when he found out he lost MA. Dewey had locked down PA, NY, and NJ, but OH was still a toss-up, which had been expected to go his way; Election Night for New York Governor Thomas Dewey was getting scary. Dewey told himself that East Coast results often favored the Democrats, and that when the Midwestern states (the “Farm Vote”) reported, the tide would turn in his favor. Very likely, in the back of Dewey’s mind he was second-guessing his entire campaign strategy, and almost certainly the fear of a humiliating loss was starting to manifest itself. 
     Truman awoke from his slumber at around midnight, and he turned on the radio and heard that he was ahead in the popular vote by 1.2 million. The President went back to sleep after he heard a commentator say that it was still early and that Truman was “undoubtedly beaten”. At 2:30 am, Truman’s phone rang, where a friend was calling him from campaign HQ in the Muehlebach Hotel in Kansas City to inform the President that he was in a good position, but that he absolutely had to win at least one of the following states: OH, OH, or CA. Truman thanked his friend and asked him not to call again so he could get more sleep. Truman’s friend asked how he could go back to sleep knowing he had to carry one of those three states, and the President responded, “Why, I’m going to carry all three”.
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     As the hours passed, Truman’s lead in the popular vote increased, but the tally in the Electoral College was too close to call. At Truman campaign HQ, telegrams were coming in droves, with reporters wanting to leave Dewey’s HQ at the Roosevelt Hotel to reserve a room at the Muehlebach. At the Biltmore Hotel in NYC, the crowd at the DNC HQ kept getting bigger, and at Dewey’s campaign HQ at the Roosevelt Hotel, it was getting more-and-more empty and silent. Truman had a slight lead in IL (28 Electoral Votes), but his lead was decreasing as the state’s “Farm Vote” was being tallied. Soon enough however, it appeared that Truman would win IL in a nailbiter, and that the Democrats would win the governor’s race (Adlai Stevenson) and the US Senate seat (in a landslide). In winning IL, Truman took the lead in the Electoral College tally. 
     At the Muehlebach Hotel, Truman’s senior campaign staffers heard on the radio the unmistakable voice of Drew Pearson, where the famous (and hostile to Truman) columnist and radio commentator conceded that Truman was going to win the Presidential Election of 1948. For Truman’s campaign, the focus was now on OH, where the final results were coming in, and when OH went Truman’s way, the election was decided. In the ballroom of the Roosevelt Hotel, where everything had been set up to celebrate Dewey’s victory, tears streamed down the faces of campaign officials, with the shock of the unthinkable finally registering. In his suite at the Roosevelt Hotel, Dewey told his wife and small group of friends, “What do you know? The Son-of-a-Bitch won”. ​

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     Before his planned wake-up time, Truman was informed that he had won the election. The President was now up in every possible way, and after he was dressed and ready to go, Truman told his Secret Service entourage that it was time to head to Kansas City (MO). At Wallace’s campaign HQ, he was putting the final touches on a fairly antagonistic concession speech. When he was asked if he would congratulate Truman on his victory, Wallace said, “Under no circumstances will I congratulate that Son-of-a-Bitch”. At the Muehlebach, senior campaign officials were notified by the Secret Service that Truman was on his way there, and about 45 minutes later Truman arrived. It was only then at 6:45 am at the Muehlebach that Truman called Bess (who was in Independence) to tell her that he had won; tears of joy were streaming down the President’s face. Then Truman called Clark Clifford, who later said it was the most gratifying phone call he had ever received. Now the question among Truman’s campaign staffers was when would Dewey concede. 
     As Americans started to read their morning newspapers, the election wasn’t yet called due to the publishing deadline. At most, readers saw that Truman had a slight lead on Dewey in the popular vote and in the Electoral College. Some newspapers were not on top of things in terms of the results, such as the Atlanta Constitution claiming that Truman lost, and the Washington Post wanted to know how the nation could endure the next ten weeks until Dewey was inaugurated as President. Worse yet, newspapers from Chicago and Europe incorrectly reported that Dewey had won. The most infamous instance being the Chicago Daily Tribune’s (an aggressively anti-Truman newspaper) headline on the morning of 3 November 1948: “Dewey Defeats Truman”; GOP Sweep Indicated in State” - The Tribune was wrong on every major race: President, Governor, and US Senate. Below the headline, an article stated that the Republicans would return to the White House, and that Dewey had won the election by a huge margin. Over 150k copies of a first edition were released before panicked editors changed the headlines/articles for the second edition. During 2007, the Chicago Tribune admitted that its “Dewey Defeats Truman” headline was the most famous in the newspaper’s 150 year history. ​

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     During the morning of 3 November 1948, Dewey released his concession statement, where he urged his fellow Americans to unite behind Truman (it was officially released at 10:16 am Eastern). Then the results from CA came in, where against every prediction Truman had prevailed (CA was the home state of Dewey’s VP running mate, Governor Earl Warren). After CA’s results and Dewey’s official concession, Truman posed for photographers, and reporters crowded around the President to get his first words after his victory had become official. All Truman said to the reporters was that he was very happy. What sweetened the victory for Truman was that he had carried his home state of MO, and that the Democrats had won a majority in the House of Representatives as well as the Senate; regaining a majority in both houses was as much of a surprise as Truman’s victory over Dewey. Truman would start his first full term as a duly-elected President with a Democratic majority in Congress. 
    Originally, Dewey was scheduled to appear in the ballroom of the Roosevelt Hotel at 9 pm on Election Night to bask in his victory, but he didn’t make an appearance until 1 pm the next day. One reporter asked Dewey what happened, and Dewey answered that he was just as surprised as everyone else in the room. Then Dewey was asked if his loss was due to errors in strategy or tactics, where Dewey responded that he had no regrets on that front. Another reporter asked what were the main reasons for his surprise defeat, and Dewey said it was too early to say, and that he needed a few days to figure out why. Among the last questions was if he was going to run for President a third time, and Dewey emphatically responded by answering “No”. 


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    Truman’s victory over Dewey was the greatest Presidential Election upset in US History to that point in time, and the press/media had to answer for its role in calling the race wrong from the get-go. The Denver Post admitted that it had failed to put a “. . . finger on the real pulse of America”, and a columnist from the Washington Post wrote that everybody was wrong except Truman. In its next edition dated 4 November 1948, Newsweek featured a smiling Truman on its cover, with the caption “Miracle Man”. Two days after the election, Truman boarded the Ferdinand Magellan where he left Independence (MO) for Washington, D.C. The train stopped at St. Louis, where someone gave the President a copy of the previous day’s Chicago Daily Tribune. Truman stood on the back platform of the Ferdinand Magellan in front of a huge crowd, and a newspaper photographer took a photo that became one of the most famous photos in US History. That photograph showed an absolutely joyful Truman holding up the Chicago Daily Tribune by the left side of his face, where the headline “Dewey Defeats Truman” was clearly visible for all to see. 
     On 5 November 1948 in DC, Truman was greeted by 750k people, which was described by the historian David McCullogh as the largest and most enthusiastic gathering for a President in the history of the District of Columbia. Truman’s victory was so astounding that some Southern Conservative Democrats made a point of publicly shaking the President’s hand in front of that mass of humanity, already trying to make amends and curry favor after their vitriolic attacks against Truman for wanting Civil Rights legislation. It took Truman 22 minutes to go from the Ferdinand Magellan to his motorcade, where there were a mass of onlookers on the streets cheering the President as he went by. Once at the White House, from the North Portico via a microphone, Truman spoke to a massive crowd that stretched as far as the eye could see down Pennsylvania Avenue. 
     When Truman entered the White House, he was informed that the second floor (the residence area) was not safe. Truman knew he couldn’t stay in the White House, but he had hoped to do so for a short period of time; the victorious President had to stay elsewhere. Truman joked that even though he had won the election, he was getting kicked out of the White House anyway. The Trumans moved across the street to the Blair House, which was the official US Government home for visiting foreign dignitaries; it would be his temporary Presidential residence for quite some time. ​

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     As the days passed, millions of Americans rightly questioned why the press and pollsters had been so wrong, and what actually happened that led to Truman’s upset win in the election. The Electoral College results had Truman with 303 (28 states), Dewey at 189 (16 states), and Thurmond at 39 (4 states: SC, LA, AL, & MS, with one “rebel” Electoral Vote from TN). In the popular vote, Truman had 24,105,810 while Dewey totaled 21,970.064 (Wallace had 1.56 million votes, about 13k less than Thurmond). According to the Republican National Committee, the Election of 1948 was the closest since 1916 (when Woodrow Wilson won re-election by one state). The RNC also concluded that only 29k votes across OH, IL, and CA were the difference in the election. Democrats picked up 75 seats in the House and 9 in the Senate, making it a Democratic 81st Congress. All believed that Truman and the 81st Congress would act in concert, but it wouldn’t take long to see that was an erroneous prediction (Truman would eventually refer to the 81st Congress as the “Eighty-Worst” Congress). 
     Convenient second-guessing in hindsight held that Dewey was the wrong candidate for the GOP in 1948, and that Senator Robert Taft (R; OH, “Mr. Republican”) would have defeated Truman. Congressman Richard Nixon believed that Harold Stassen would have defeated Truman, and later as a former (disgraced) President, he said the same thing in 1983. Prominent voices within the GOP and the Republican-friendly press complained that Dewey’s campaign was nothing more than excessive hubris, claiming that if had “come out swinging” and been specific on policies, he would have won in a landslide. While all those arguments and complaints were logical, they were of course impossible to prove. As far as Dewey was concerned, the difference was the “Farmer’s Vote” in the Midwest, where he was largely correct, in that enough of that voting bloc denied Dewey victories in OH and IL. 
     Truman’s strategy of focusing on the Republican (“Do Nothing”) 80th Congress changing the aspects of the Commodity Credit Corporation (e.g. “No Storage Bins For Farmers”) was key, in that with a bumper harvest in the Fall of 1948, farmers were crippled by a lack of government-subsidized storage. Republicans took it for granted that the “Farmer’s Vote” would forever be in their favor, but Truman carried the “Farming States” of OH, IL, WI, and IA. The African-American voting bloc also went Truman’s way, heavily so in OH and IL, and significantly so in CA (in particular in Los Angeles and Oakland; Truman only won CA by 18k votes). 


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     Running against conventional wisdom, Truman benefited from the many foreign crises with which he was dealing in 1948, especially with the Berlin Airlift. As the election drew near, the airlift was working past expectations, avoiding war with the USSR. Then there was Truman’s strategy of attacking the “Do Nothing” Republican 80th Congress during the campaign. Republicans in the 80th Congress were upset that they had passed the Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan, and then were thrown under the bus by the President during the General Campaign. The truth was that in foreign policy, Truman and the Republicans were aligned, but not so in domestic issues, especially with the conservative wing of the GOP. Truman went a long way down the road to victory when during July 1948 he called the 80th Congress into a Special Session in order to put the political spotlight on the conservative Republican “Do-Nothingness”, as well as to show the “Great Schism” between the liberal and conservative wings of the party. Truman also greatly benefited from an economy that expanded all the way to the election. 
     Most Americans were happy with their incomes during the Fall of 1948, prices had started to fall, and unemployment was below 3%, unheard of for the Great Depression generation. Senator Robert Taft lamented that it was nearly impossible to vote out a President when the economy was prosperous. With the pollsters, the initial reaction of George Gallup was that a large number of those that participated in his polls didn’t vote, assuming that Dewey would win big without their participation. Elmo Roper, the pollster that stopped polling weeks before the election thinking Dewey had already won, flat-out admitted that he had been wrong, but he was frustrated because he didn’t know why he was wrong. One theory was that the pollsters erred in their sampling process, in that they didn’t pay enough attention to the less-approachable likely voter, e.g. working class and low-income voters. A more valid theory supported Gallup’s assertion that low voter turnout on the side of the Republicans was the difference. That theory had numbers in support, in that Dewey had about 40k fewer votes in 1948 than he did in 1944. Very few in the immediate postmortem of the Election of 1948 gave Truman the credit he deserved in terms of his campaign strategy and superhuman efforts in criss-crossing the nation to connect with voters - but Senator Arthur Vandenberg (R; MI) admitted that, “He did it all by himself. That’s the kind of courage the American people admire”.


Epilogue: Dewey, Wallace, Thurmond, and Truman . . . 
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20) Truman & Dewey: Late-October to 2 November 1948

5/17/2025

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                 Source: A.J. Baime. Dewey Defeats Truman - The 1948 Election
                                                   and the Battle For America’s Soul (2020)
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     Dewey’s arrival in NYC’s Grand Central Station was a gala affair, featuring brass bands, color guards, a parade, and even a plane that spelled Dewey’s name in the sky. At Madison Square Garden, behind the podium were huge portraits of Dewey and Warren hung from the rafters, and the famed auditorium was filled. Dewey did not go on the attack against Truman, and he avoided all-things-Israel, as well as avoiding any specifics (which he had been doing all campaign), saying only that, “We will follow strong, clear policies”. After the speech, Dewey returned to Albany, where he talked to reporters “off-the-record”, telling them he already had his Cabinet selected (but he didn’t identify anybody). It was clear to those reporters that Dewey assumed that he had already won the election. 
     Everyone on the campaign had been so busy getting ready for the Madison Square Garden speech on 28 October 1948 that no real work had been done for Truman’s Civil Rights speech in Harlem on 29 October, which he was scheduled to deliver at 3:50 pm. At the “11th Hour”, a final draft was delivered to Truman, who wholeheartedly agreed with its content, hellbent on doing what he thought was right even if it cost him votes (he gambled that the speech would deliver a net gain of votes in NY). 


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     On 29 October 1948, Truman’s motorcade left the Biltmore Hotel, where Zionists were camped out wanting to hear what the President would say about Israel (Truman said nothing). Truman would travel 66 miles that day in NYC, and almost 1.5 million people would line the streets to see him pass by. Truman gave speeches on the way, including in the Bronx, and when he arrived at a public park in Harlem, an estimated 500k awaited. Instead of raucous cheering, there was silence, in that most of the huge crowd was praying in advance of Truman’s speech. Truman knew how to “read a room”, so his tone was somber and serious - there was no “Give ‘Em Hell Harry” in that speech. Truman made sure that he was clear that he would pursue Civil Rights via legislation, which would change the course of US History. Truman stated that there should be equal opportunity for employment, education, and the right to vote. 
     Just hours after Truman’s speech, Henry Wallace spoke in Harlem at the Golden Gate Ballroom, where he was definitely “Give ‘Em Hell HENRY”. An emotional Wallace stated that Truman’s promises on Civil Rights were totally empty and worthless. Wallace went so far to say that Truman supported Dixiecrat candidates for Congress, which meant he supported White Supremacists, race-haters, and “Lynch Boys”. Strom Thurmond held a rally in Austin (TX) on 31 October 1948, where he remained consistent with the Dixiecrat White Supremacist/Pro-Segregation platform. Thurmond still held out hope that his campaign would deny both Truman and Dewey a majority in the Electoral College. 


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     On 30 October 1948, Truman’s campaign train left NYC, where he would make one more campaign speech in St. Louis, where MO seemed to be a toss-up. Truman was not happy with the draft of the speech he was given, so he decided yet again to speak extemporaneously to a huge crowd in St. Louis and a nationwide radio audience. The draft of the speech had already been mimeographed and distributed to the campaign train’s reporters, but they was so exhausted they didn’t really look at it, and instead wrote their stories ahead of the speech, wanting to be done with the whole campaign. When those reporters realized that Truman was going off-script, they had to scramble and then some to rewrite their stories. 
     Truman featured a mini-biography from when he was Vice-President for 81 days to when he assumed the Presidency after FDR’s death towards the end of World War II. Truman then outlined his Presidency to the present day, where he told the crowd and radio audience that the smear campaign against him in the press had become progressively worse over that time. Truman gave his best “Give ‘Em Hell Harry” speech that night, and the crowd reacted with perhaps the greatest response of any of the crowds during the campaign. Truman railed against the “Do Nothing” 80th Congress for being pro-Elite instead of looking out for the common man, and then he was done, never again to make a speech on a campaign of his own. Later that night (30 October 1948), Truman reached his home in Independence (MO), and he was finally able to rest. 
     On the evening of 1 November 1948, both Truman and Dewey gave radio addresses, Truman from his home in Independence, and Dewey from the NBC Radio studio in Manhattan. Newspaper and radio pundits still resoundingly trumpeted that Dewey would win in decisive fashion, and the final polls favored Dewey, with one having him at 49.9% to Truman’s 44.8% (Gallup had Dewey at 46% to Truman’s 40%). The New York Times predicted that Dewey would win 345 Electoral Votes, and Newsweek predicted a total of 366. The nation’s most popular newspaper columnist, Drew Pearson, lauded Dewey’s campaign strategy and behavior, predicting victory for the NY Governor. Republicans were jamming switchboards in DC making hotel reservations for Inauguration Day to celebrate Dewey’s swearing-in as President. 


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     On Election Day, Harry, Bess, and Margaret Truman exited their house to vote, and they had a huge (friendly) crowd in front of their house and in the street with which to contend. The Secret Service escorted the Trumans for their five minute walk to the polling place at Memorial Hall. The Trumans were the first to vote at that location, receiving ballots #101, #102 (Bess), and #103 (Margaret). A voice called out to Truman asking if he was going to stay up late to see the election results. Truman responded that he’d go to bed and find out the next morning, when he’d be at the Muehlebach Hotel in Kansas City (MO) by 10 am. Dewey and his wife arrived at their polling place later in the morning, where a motorcade escorted them to the basement of an industrial school to vote. Wallace and Thurmond voted at their polling places as well, with Thurmond receiving far more positive attention than Wallace. All across the nation, long lines formed at polling places. 
     Dewey was the only Presidential candidate in all 48 state ballots, since AL refused to put Truman’s name on its state ballot. All through the South, voters hoped that there would be no violence, in that separate polling places had been set up for African-American voters. While Truman went to a spa resort outside of Independence for isolated rest-and-relaxation (under Secret Service protection), Dewey and his wife continued their election night tradition. The Deweys spent the evening with wealthy friends, which featured a lavish dinner, and then played bridge with the radio on to keep track of election results. A television was also turned on, since for the first time TV networks covered the incoming election results. 


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     The Deweys and their wealthy friends settled in for what they figured would be a long election night. Dewey was nervous, not for the election results, but in anticipation of the awesome burdens of being President. Dewey did have one scheduled event that night, in that he was expected to make an appearance at the Roosevelt Hotel ballroom at 9 pm. At Truman’s election HQ at the Muehlebach Hotel in KC, the early returns from the first voting precincts on the East Coast started to come in. The question that was asked among Democratic circles was would voters kick Truman out of office when overall income was high and unemployment was low. It soon became clear that nationally, voter turnout would be high (just over 50% in the end), which seemed to favor Truman. 
     Truman won Philadelphia and NYC, but not by as much as he and the campaign had hoped, and the statewide votes for PA and NY were not encouraging. MD looked like it would go for Dewey, and SC of course would go for Thurmond. Before the night was over, Dewey won NY and MD; it was Wallace that cost Truman those two states. The running popular vote was neck-and-neck, but Dewey was ahead in the Electoral College tally. By 9 pm, Truman started to pull ahead in the popular vote, but from the “wrong” states in terms of the Electoral College. As the night progressed, the election results broadcast over the radio and on television became more-and-more interesting, even gripping . . . 

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19) Truman & Dewey: Late-October 1948

5/15/2025

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                 Source: A.J. Baime. Dewey Defeats Truman - The 1948 Election
                                                   and the Battle For America’s Soul (2020).   
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     During the last week leading into the weekend before Election Day, Dewey’s campaign train followed Truman’s to Chicago, Cleveland, Boston, and then to NYC. On 25 October 1948, Truman made his most bitter and abusive attacks yet in front of 300k people in Chicago Stadium, trying to get Dewey to engage in a rhetorical battle towards the end of the campaign. Truman warned of the reactionary forces in the conservative wing of the GOP that favored the Elites at the expense of the common person. Then Truman compared the rise of Dewey to the rise of Hitler, and accused the Republicans of “stupefying” the people as had Hitler in order to take advantage and power. Truman then proceeded to call Dewey and the Republicans an “Evil Force” that had to be defeated, and that the election was a war for the “very soul of the American Government”. 
     The masthead headline the next day in the New York Times was “President Likens Dewey to Hitler as Fascist Tool”. The goal of Truman’s vitriolic attack was to lure Dewey from being “above the fray” into the political trenches, getting (politically) dirty in the process. Dewey heard Truman’s speech aboard his campaign train as it traveled towards Chicago from Albany. Dewey was enraged when Truman compared him to Hitler, and it was at that point he had enough of being “above the fray”. Dewey wanted to abandon the planned “high-minded” speech and go on the attack against Truman, but his senior campaign officials disagreed. Dewey’s wife was adamant, telling her husband that if she had to stay up all night to make sure he didn’t tear up his planned speech, she would do so.
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     Dewey arrived in Chicago the next day, and when he took the same stage as had Truman the day before, he received a rousing ovation that lasted almost three minutes. Dewey’s speech was broadcast on NBC Radio and the ABC television network; knowing he had a huge audience beyond who was in Chicago Stadium, Dewey defied his wife and advisors and unleashed his first attack speech of his campaign. Dewey blamed Truman and his administration for failing to win the peace after World War II, as well as to allow millions of innocent people to be taken into the clutches of the USSR. Dewey called Truman weak and incompetent, and that the Democrats were a failure, a party torn apart in all directions. Finally, Dewey’s supporters heard their candidate on the attack against Truman, responding to the populism that absolutely infuriated Republican voters across the nation; their man had finally fought back, and the crowd was delirious. 
     Truman was in Cleveland the night of Dewey’s Chicago speech, and the President had a special message that he had been waiting to make public at just the right moment. The message was for the reporters and pollsters that had focused on nothing else but his failures during his Presidency and his campaign, where he estimated that 90% of the nation’s daily newspapers were arrayed against him. Truman believed that the newspapers and radio stations were pro-Republican at their core, and he resented the slanted headlines, editorials, and flat-out misrepresentations from those media outlets. Truman believed that the pollsters had done even more damage, so it was the major polling organizations that Truman attacked on 27 October 1948 in a jam-packed Cleveland Municipal Auditorium. Truman accused the pollsters of being puppets of the Republican Party, trying to keep Democrat voters from going to the polls by convincing them their vote didn’t matter since Dewey was guaranteed to win. Truman continued, saying that a “big vote” would mean Republican defeat, and that the GOP was scared-to-death of the common person.


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   The following night Dewey spoke in the same auditorium in Cleveland, where he attacked Truman for using divisiveness to advance his campaign. Dewey then blamed Truman’s administration for the US foreign policy failures during the Cold War, allowing the USSR to spread Communism where it controlled 500 million of the world’s population. Newspaper columnists and radio commentators gushed about Dewey’s Cleveland speech, as did powerful Republicans such as Senator Vandenberg, who called it one of the all-time great political speeches in US History. 
     There were only six more days until Election Day, and all involved in Truman’s campaign felt that the tide had turned in their favor; to them, the shift in attitude of the common voter was palpable. At this late stage of the campaign, notable Democrats came out in support for Truman, starting with Eleanor Roosevelt going on ABC Radio on 31 October 1948 to endorse the President. Twenty-seven leading writers endorsed Truman, including Sinclair Lewis and Truman Capote, as well as 36 of FDR’s loyal acolytes, such as former SecInterior Harold Ickes. Interestingly, the new president of the Screen Actors Guild (SAG), a Democrat, came out in public support of President Truman - Ronald Reagan. 
     Still, the major newspapers had Dewey comfortably ahead in the predicted Electoral College tally. Robert Nixon, a United Press International (UPI) White House correspondent, wrote an article that Truman just very well may win the election in an upset given the snowballing tide of public opinion. That story was never published, in that the NYC UPI office was part of William Randolph Hearst’s news empire, who hated FDR and Truman (and all Democrats). The NYC UPI office refused to include Robert Nixon’s article among the many pro-Dewey screeds.
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    In Boston, Truman attacked the Communist Party USA for interfering with the election (via Wallace), and he made it clear that he absolutely hated Communism and would fight the scourge everywhere, abroad and at home. That same night (27 October 1948), “The Truman Story” (a short film of edited newsreel footage) was shown in theaters nationwide. Since it was archival film footage, it showed Truman’s authenticity since nothing was staged (unlike in “The Dewey Story”). Everyone that went to the movies during the week before the election saw “The Truman Story”; the short film was the exact right thing at the exact right moment for Truman’s campaign. After finishing up in Boston, Truman’s campaign train headed to NYC with incredible momentum. 
     In Boston, Dewey drew his largest crowd yet, but it still fell short of Truman’s by around 50k. Polls in MA had Dewey ahead by 7 points, and he wanted to ensure that the state’s 16 Electoral Votes would be in his column on Election Day. Dewey shocked conservative Republicans by calling for greater Social Security benefits and a higher minimum wage, which matched what Truman had long wanted. One reporter called Dewey’s Boston speech a “GOP New Deal in Social Security”; the GOP’s identity crisis was on full display for the nation to see. 
     The crowds that awaited Truman in NYC exceeded all previous crowds from the campaign, in that 101 NYPD motorcycles (the most ever for a NYC parade) escorted the President in a ticker-tape parade. Truman made several appearances in the city, where it was estimated that nearly 1.5 million people had seen him on his nine mile tour before he was scheduled to speak at Madison Square Garden. At the Biltmore Hotel, where Truman rested before his speech at the Garden, Clifford showed Truman a telegram from a Zionist (pro-Israel) reporter that claimed to have inside information about the UN negotiations in Paris. That reporter claimed that SecState Marshall was about to come out in favor of the “Bernadette Plan”, which was the UN proposal for a Jewish state and an Arab state in Palestine. The reporter claimed that SecState Marshall was going to endorse the plan without consulting the President in advance, which would not only humiliate Truman, but also cost him the “Jewish Vote” in NY.


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     Ironically, Truman was all set to give his most significant speech on Israel yet that night at the Garden, which would be broadcast on radio across the nation. Truman had to find a way to keep SecState Marshall from making any statement on Israel, and it was decided to send him two telegrams with instructions on what he should say. However, sending cables to Paris was not easy, in that Clifford had to dictate the text of the two cables on the phone to the UnderSecState, who then had to encrypt it and send to Marshall. Also in play was the six hour time difference between DC and Paris; it was basically “50-50” as to whether Marshall would receive his instructions before Truman delivered his speech at Madison Square Garden. The first cable expressed Truman’s concern about what Marshall was planning to say, and the second contained what Truman wanted his SecState to say. A separate memo was attached to the second cable, instructing Marshall to hold off making any statement until 3 November 1948 (the day after the election). 
     The DNC had run out of money to pay for the Garden, so a fringe “Liberal Party” rented it instead for that night; if Truman gave his speech in front of an empty Garden, it would be politically catastrophic. There were thousands of people outside the Garden waiting to see/hear Truman, so it was “arranged” that the doors be opened to the public, and by the time Truman arrived, the Garden was filled to the brim with his supporters (and the gates entering the legendary auditorium were then locked). By the time Truman approached the podium, he had already given 14 speeches that day, starting in MA - none of them were identical.

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    Truman made the incredibly bold decision to go off-script for his speech at the Garden, where he eventually got around to taunt Dewey, who had been shadowing him starting in Los Angeles. Truman joked that he had gone to the White House doctor to complain that he had a feeling he was being followed everywhere he went. Truman ended the joke by saying that the doctor told him there is one place that fellow will not follow you - the White House; that joke brought down the house at Madison Square Garden. Truman continued, saying that Dewey could follow him all the way to NYC, and that he could also follow him in the Electoral College. 
     Halfway through his speech, Truman spoke about Israel, where he reiterated the Democrat’s platform concerning formal recognition, and he pledged his support for the new nation. Truman stated that formal recognition of Israel would be done in the proper partisan and political manner. Truman started to conclude his speech by saying, “Vote for yourselves. You don’t have to vote for me. Vote for your own interests.”; the applause kept going long after Truman left the stage. On that day, Truman spoke nearly 18k words, almost all of them off-script. Truman had one more speech to make in NYC, in that he was scheduled to speak on 29 October 1948 in Harlem, the first time a Presidential candidate had done so . . .


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18) Truman, Dewey, & Wallace: October 1948

5/13/2025

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                 Source: A.J. Baime. Dewey Defeats Truman - The 1948 Election
                                                   and the Battle For America’s Soul (2020)
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     Dewey’s overall strategy for his campaign was to not make any mistakes of which Truman could take advantage, and so far he had been successful, but on 13 October 1948 Dewey made a major blunder. In Beaucoup (IL), Dewey spoke to a crowd from the platform at the back of the last railcar on the train, when without any notice, the train unexpectedly (and inexplicably) lurched backwards towards the crowd. As frightened cries came from the crowd, Dewey braced himself on the back rail, hoping that no one would get hurt, and in the process his temper got the better of him. Into the microphone, Dewey very clearly said, “That’s the first lunatic I’ve had for an engineer. He probably should be shot at sunrise, but I guess we can let him off because nobody was hurt”. 
     Dewey’s outburst was featured in the next day’s newspapers, and one editor either didn’t notice, or he allowed it to be published, in that a pun was printed that said, “The Campaign Special Train Stopped With a Jerk”. The train’s engineer, a 30 year-old World War II veteran, was not pleased with being called a “lunatic” by Dewey, and when he was interviewed, the engineer said he wasn’t going to vote for Dewey, because, “I think as much of Dewey as I did before”. What seemed to be a minor-yet-embarrassing episode quickly grew into something much larger, in that Dewey’s “lunatic” comment was taken as a cold-and-uncaring slur against the working class and labor unions. Dewey had accidentally succeeded in alienating the nation’s largest voting bloc, unionized labor. 
     Truman seized on the opportunity to rally more union railroad workers to his fold, accusing Dewey of being insensitive to laborers. Truman made a point in his remaining campaign train speeches to laud his own train workers, and very soon railroad workers across the nation painted “LUNATICS FOR TRUMAN” on the side of boxcars. Dewey did his best to not only ignore what was said about his “lunatic” comment, but he couldn’t ignore reports of the huge crowds that Truman attracted.

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     On 18 October 1948 (five days after his “lunatic” comment) Dewey’s campaign train pulled into Buffalo (NY), where he asked a campaign staffer if he was “slipping” [in the polls]. Dewey was told there was indeed cause to worry, in that recently Truman had attracted over 10k in the pouring rain at sunrise in Albany, which was Dewey’s political backyard. And no matter how much he tried, Dewey could not match Truman’s charisma on the campaign trail (or FDR’s in 1944). Unlike Truman, Dewey couldn’t stomach shaking hands in public, and when he had to, it wasn’t genuine, which was noticed (that was in large part because he was a germaphobe). Dewey was a cerebral politician that preferred to avoid working in the trenches like Truman preferred.. 
     Despite the anecdotal reports that Truman was gaining momentum, all the major polls had Dewey far out in front. The New York Times surveyed 20 reporters in 20 states, and on 4 October 1948 published a story with the results. Among those 20 reporters, 14 stated that Dewey would win their state, which included Electoral College prizes such as CA, IL, and PA. Gallup had conducted a poll in 16 states, where he reported that Dewey would carry all 16 except RI. One day after Dewey’s “lunatic” comment, a prominent syndicated columnist wrote that Dewey’s election was as “Certain as anything can be in the course of American politics”. 
     Dewey kept hammering away at his theme of “unity” on the campaign trail, but for the first time he started to court the conservative wing of the GOP in Congress, thinking it would be nice to have friends on Capitol Hill when he was President. Dewey’s campaign staffers were getting very nervous about the race for the White House, since oceans of letters were arriving in Albany and Dewey’s campaign HQ in DC that demanded Dewey respond to Truman’s attacks on Republicans. It wasn’t too late to shift into “attack mode”, but Dewey refused to do so, and on that he was supported by his wife. Dewey’s campaign announced its final itinerary for the last weekend before Election Day, where he would speak in Chicago, Cleveland, Boston, and then NYC. The strategy was to follow Truman in those four cities in order to get in the “last word”.


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     Henry Wallace refused to bow out of the race, thinking that his main campaign goal of increasing political pressure on Truman in order to steal enough votes to end his Presidency was still in play. However, Wallace certainly didn’t help himself out when he demanded that the most respected man in the entire nation, Secretary of State George C. Marshall, be removed from his post due to the Marshall Plan, which Wallace called a “step towards war”. It was expected that Wallace would garner about 10% of NY’s popular vote (NY was where Wallace had the most support), which political analysts believed would give the state to Dewey. In that regard, Wallace’s campaign still mattered, but outside of the state of NY, Los Angeles, and Chicago, Wallace was ignored (in St. Louis, only 100 people showed up to hear him speak). Wallace had to admit that his loyal followers had not only largely abandoned him, but had come to actually hate him, which he didn’t understand at all. Still, Wallace refused to disavow the support he received from the Communist Party USA, and with the election just two-plus weeks away, his poll numbers were at 3.5%, half of what it was ten months prior. 
     Truman returned to DC for a brief campaign respite to conduct Presidential business before he ended his campaign with a mini train tour. On 21 October 1948, General Lucius Clay (the US Commander in western Germany and West Berlin, who was only in DC for 24 hours), SecDef James Forrestal, and the Secretary of the Army Kenneth Royal, met with Truman in the Oval Office. Truman was informed that the US (and British) “Berlin Airlift” was delivering 5000 tons of supplies to West Berlin during good weather, and 3000 tons in poor weather. Clay told Truman that winter weather would stress the airlift (and pilots) far more than the current already-high level, and that no progress had been made with Stalin to end the crisis. Clay also informed Truman that Soviet planes were “buzzing” US cargo planes in the neutral air corridor in western Germany, making it clear to the cargo planes that they could be targeted at any time. After the meeting, Truman ordered 66 more C-54s to join the Berlin Airlift, as well as to secure the necessary aviation fuel to expand the airlift. 


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     Violence and skirmishes on the Korean Peninsula were reported in newspapers. The peninsula had recently been divided into Communist North Korea and (“Kind-Of”) Democratic South Korea. The USSR had 45k soldiers in North Korea, and the CIA reported that the Soviets wouldn’t allow the South Korean democratic government to exist much longer. In the Arab-Israeli War, casualties increased to the point where civilians were among those killed or wounded. On 17 October 1948, Truman received a cable from an official in the State Department alerting him that the Arab (non-Jew) refugee tragedy had become a humanitarian crisis, with numbers approaching 400k, and that at least 100k would die of exposure and/or starvation. Truman had given de facto recognition to Israel earlier in 1948, but now the President was pressured to proclaim formal US recognition in order to garner as much of the “Jewish Vote” as possible. However, any action (or even rhetoric) by Truman that favored Israel was littered with political landmines, which could lead to political disaster, or worse. 
     Truman tried to delay the entire matter until after the election, instructing the State Department to cooperate. However, on 22 October 1948 Dewey forced Truman’s hand on the “Zionist Issue” when he gave a speech in NYC, where he attacked the Truman administration for vacillating on the “Palestine Issue”. Dewey followed up by stating that he would give wholehearted support towards Israel; the ball was now clearly on Truman’s side of the court concerning Israel. While Truman left on the campaign train for his last week on the hustings, Clark Clifford remained in DC in order to figure out a response to Dewey’s speech. Clifford informed Truman that he would have a statement on Israel submitted no later than Sunday morning before the election. Clifford actually wrote Truman that Dewey’s speech promising formal recognition for Israel was a serious error, and actually good news for the campaign.

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     On 23 Ocober 1948 (Saturday), Truman spoke to 100k in Pittsburgh as well as a national radio audience. Truman basically joked around during part of his speech, surprising everyone with his levity. Truman stated that Dewey was acting like “some kind of doctor with a magic cure for all the ills of Mankind”. Then as he twirled an imaginary mustache (pretending to be a doctor), Truman asked the crowd, “You’ve been bothered much by issues lately?”. Then Truman pretended to be the patient, and said, “Of course, we’ve had a few. We’ve had the issue of high prices, and housing, and education, and Social Security, and a few others”. 
   Truman the switched back to pretending to be a doctor, and said, “That’s too bad. What you need is my brand of soothing syrup - I call it unity”. After the crowd stopped laughing, Truman listed a litany of “symptoms” of which the US was suffering, including the Taft-Hartley Act, not enough funding for Social Security, a too-low minimum wage, etc. Truman stated that his administration had offered policies to deal with those problems, but the “Do Nothing” Republican 80th Congress refused to cooperate. Truman asserted that the claim by Dewey that he was the magic cure to solve those problems was a sham, saying that “He [Dewey] opened his mouth and closed his eyes and swallowed the terrible record of the good-for-nothing 80th Congress”. 
     The next morning on the campaign train (which was heading to Cleveland), Truman received Clifford’s proposed statement on Israel. Clifford advised Truman to say that Dewey’s statement on Israel was negatively affecting the nonpartisan foreign policy of the US, and that he should remind voters that the Democratic Party’s platform from July 1948 pledged full recognition of Israel. Clifford’s statement was equivocation at its best, since Truman hadn’t yet followed through on the platform’s promise, but Truman was able to accuse Dewey of basically interfering with US foreign policy during a Presidential campaign . . .

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17) Truman, Dewey, &Thurmond: October 1948

5/8/2025

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                 Source: A.J. Baime. Dewey Defeats Truman - The 1948 Election
                                                   and the Battle For America’s Soul (2020)
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     The Campaign of 1948 featured some historic firsts: 1) The “Power of the Pollster”, and; 2) The “TV Pundit”. Those two firsts were added to the ubiquitous radio and newspapers (with a circulation of 52 million, the highest in the history of the nation to that point), as well as the advertising agencies involved in the campaigns. Never before had Presidential candidates had so many political weapons in their arsenal, which meant that there were more ways than ever to spread disinformation and lies about political opponents. Both the Republicans and the Democrats were in the process of painful forces within their parties that battled over change versus little-or-no change. Dewey led the charge to liberalize the Republicans, and Truman was trying to keep the Democrats from splintering apart. 
     The myriad of foreign crises (e.g. West Berlin, Israel, and the atomic bomb) all became part of the General Campaign. About the only real differences on the platforms of the Republicans and Democrats were tax cuts and the Taft-Hartley Act, and the two party platforms agreed on increased Social Security benefits, education, as well as the Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan. The only apparent difference between the two major Presidential candidates was that Dewey seemed to be far more popular. During early-October 1948, before he headed out again on the campaign train, Truman found out he wasn’t going to return to the White House anytime soon. The second floor of the White House (the living space for the President and his family) was deemed unsafe for habitation, and needed to be rebuilt, with the cost being between $750k and $1.25 million. 
     As of 1 October 1948, money had run out to fund Truman’s campaign research data team, and the President made it a point that day to personally thank each team member. Two days later, Truman met with his senior campaign staffers to discuss a new strategy, trying to think of something that would show that the President was beyond-serious about global peace and security. It was Truman’s idea to send a special envoy to personally meet with Stalin, which he believed would at least generate positive publicity. Despite objections from Clark Clifford and a few other senior campaign staffers, Truman decided to send Supreme Court Chief Justice Fred Vinson to Moscow.


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    Truman trusted Fred Vinson, who was Truman’s Secretary of the Treasury before being nominated and confirmed as Chief Justice. When the two men met, Vinson declined the President’s request, but he also said that if he was ordered to go he would, and Truman immediately did so. Two days later, Truman met with Senator Tom Connally (D; TX) and Senator Arthur Vandenberg (R; MI) in the White House, where the President was surprised that both influential members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee were in opposition to Vinson going to Moscow. Very soon after that meeting, Truman called SecState George Marshall (who was in Paris) to inform him of Vinson’s mission to Moscow. Marshall was shocked and alarmed, and he told Truman that sending Vinson was a colossal mistake, in large part because it would be viewed as undermining the United Nations efforts to end the crisis in West Berlin. 
     After meeting with his senior White House advisors, Truman decided he wouldn’t send Vinson to Moscow after all. Just hours after making that decision, Truman got back on board his campaign train, but the story of the proposed “Vinson Mission” was not over. On 8 October 1948, Truman’s campaign train was in Schenectady (NY) when the President discovered that his proposed-and-canceled “Vinson Mission” had been leaked to the press, and the reaction to that news was fast-and-furious. Truman was attacked for using foreign policy as a campaign tactic, even though he had called off the mission. To the press, it was the President’s intent that mattered, not that he had thought it over and then canceled the mission. Clark Clifford called it “. . . the worst mistake of the Truman campaign”. On the Ferdinand Magellan, Truman and his press secretary did their best at “damage control”, which eventually led to a long statement that tried to justify the President’s good intentions. 
     In Akron (OH), over 100k lined the streets for Truman’s motorcade, which was on the way to the city’s armory. While Truman spoke, Clifford purchased the latest issue of Newsweek, where a greatly anticipated survey was featured that included 50 political experts. Clifford’s heart sank when he saw the article’s headline: “Election Forecast - 50 Political Experts Predict a GOP Sweep”. The shocking part of the article’s summary of the survey was that all 50 political experts had Dewey winning the election, as well as the Republicans maintaining their majority in the House and Senate. When Clifford showed Truman the story, the President said, “I know every one of those fifty fellows, and not one of them has enough sense to pound sand into a rat hole”.

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     When Dewey returned to Albany for a short campaign break, he was besieged with letters from angry voters who were beyond-upset at Truman’s successful (to them) populism. All wanted to know why Dewey wasn’t fighting back at what Truman was saying about the Republican Party, as well as why Dewey wasn’t attacking Truman in 1948 as he had done in 1944 against FDR. Truman’s proposed (and canceled) “Vinson Mission” opened another door for Dewey to exploit against the President, and he debated what to do (if anything) with his senior campaign advisors. Dewey refused to take advantage, in that he didn’t want to intentionally damage the nation for political advantage. Dewey’s plan was to reassure the nation that while Truman may have bungled (again), his hand would be the steady one steering the ship after winning the election. 
     On 10 October 1948 (two days after the aborted “Vinson Mission” was reported) Dewey invited 50 reporters to Albany, where he read a prepared statement that America supported the UN negotiations in Paris to end the crisis in West Berlin. Unbelievably, Dewey had counteracted the damage done by Truman’s foolhardy proposal to send Vinson to Moscow. Six hours later, Dewey was back on his campaign train on a nine state tour, focusing on the Midwest, after which he would end his trek in NYC. 
     At the Republican National Committee HQ in DC, troubling trends were becoming apparent, in that it was now clear that Truman attracted far bigger crowds than Dewey, and that the once-vast RNC campaign treasury was starting to run low. Donations were still coming in from wealthy donors, but had drastically decreased from Rural America; the RNC chalked that development up to complacency and overconfidence that Dewey was a sure winner. The RNC still felt they had a lock on the Electoral College result, but they were now worried about a closer-than-comfortable popular vote, and that the Republicans just might lose their majority in the Senate. The main consolation for the RNC at that point was that they firmly believed that Truman would continue to inadvertently assist Dewey and the GOP.

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     During the weeks prior to early-October 1948, the Dixiecrat ticket had lost serious momentum (as had Wallace and the Progressive Party during that same time). In effect the Dixiecrats were a “One-Trick Pony”, in that their sole item on their platform was “States’ Rights” (which obviously meant White Supremacy and segregation). Nationally, Strom Thurmond polled at 2%, which was behind Henry Wallace at 4%. The main source of campaign funding for the Dixiecrats came from Gulf Coast oil corporations, who were feuding with the federal government over who actually owned the oil-rich tidelands in the Gulf. In their view, the states (meaning the oil corporations in the Gulf states) should have ownership of the vast Gulf coastline; however, by early-October 1948, the oil corporations had basically stopped contributing to the Dixiecrats. 
     Support for Thurmond fell even further due to a botched publicity stunt. Thurmond’s campaign staff mailed out letters to all US governors inviting them to visit South Carolina and to stay in the Governor’s Mansion in Columbia. One letter was sent to William Hastie, the Governor of the US Virgin Islands, who was the first African-American governor in US History (who was appointed by Truman). Thurmond had no idea (nor did his campaign staffers) that Hastie wasn’t white, and he learned about the letter only after a leak reached the press. A humiliated Thurmond released a statement saying that the letter was the result of a clerical error, and then he accused the “pro-Truman” newspapers for publishing the leaked letter, and then he blamed Truman for appointing an African-American as a US governor in the first place.
     The Truman campaign train traveled through IN and IL, and in “Republican Towns” of 20k or so, over 100k would show up to see/hear the President. Those huge crowds confirmed to staffers on the train that something positive was developing with the campaign. Yet all the polling data indicated that Dewey would cruise to victory in the election (and that the Senate was too close to call), and 75% of the nation’s newspapers had already announced Dewey as the presumptive winner of the Election of 1948. Truman, who knew by heart every Electoral College vote total for every state, tallied up how he saw the election playing out, and he came up with 340 Electoral votes, 70 more than was needed to win.

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     Still frantically scrambling for campaign donations, during mid-October 1948 the Democratic National Committee released a comic book version of Truman’s biography (16 pages with captions), with the tagline “Farm Boy, Soldier, Statesman, President!”, and over 3 million copies were printed. The DNC spent $50k to fund a “Women’s Division” in the committee that would create the first-ever political radio broadcasts aimed specifically at women voters. The program was called the “Democratic Record”, and starting on 11 October 1948, the program would air three times a week on ABC Radio (at 3:45 pm Eastern). The radio program was an instant success, with Variety magazine saying it was the best political program ever broadcast on radio. 
     So far during the entire Truman campaign, former First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt had chose to stay on the sidelines, not wanting to be associated with a losing effort (yet she had been a supporter of Wallace, but his ties to the Communist Party USA led her to distance herself from that campaign). However, after receiving a phone call from the DNC of what was going on with the Truman campaign train, she was convinced that Truman had a chance to win. The DNC arranged to have her give a speech on ABC Radio on the evening of 31 October 1948, which was just three days before the election. Having secured Eleanor Roosevelt’s commitment, the problem then was that ABC Radio wanted nearly $26k for the broadcast, so yet again the DNC scrambled to raise money. 
     Also on the DNC’s table was the desire to at least try and match Dewey’s short movie (“The Dewey Story”) that very soon would show in theaters before the feature film. The DNC called the Universal Newsreel Company that had all sorts of footage of President Truman, and a deal was struck to make a short ten minute documentary on the President. Better yet, the newsreel company agreed to do so for free, and it would be released at the same time in theaters as Dewey’s short movie (if it could be completed on time). In WI, the crowds to see-and-hear Truman were larger than expected, which led a reporter from the Washington Post that was on the campaign train to write these prophetic words in his artice: “Could We Be Wrong?” . . .

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16) Truman & Dewey: September/October 1948

5/6/2025

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                 Source: A.J. Baime. Dewey Defeats Truman - The 1948 Election
                                                   and the Battle For America’s Soul (2020)
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    As his campaign train approached Denver, Truman fine-tuned his speech that would also be broadcast on nationwide radio. The day after arriving in Denver, Truman throttled-up his campaign to the next level featuring more anger and sarcasm that focused on the “Do Nothing” 80th Congress. Truman stated that the election wasn’t just for President or Congress, but for choosing a way of life for years to come, and that the standard of living overall, and for the individual, was the real choice. Truman accused the Republicans of looking out for Wall Street and Big Business, throwing the “Average American” under the bus for the advantage of special interests. Again and again, Truman accused the Republican 80th Congress of selling out millions of Americans and not caring one whit for doing so. For Americans living in the West (e.g. CO), he told them that the Republicans would destroy the region’s natural resources, specifically water and forests. 
     It was five weeks to go until Election Day, and if the polls were to be believed, Truman wasn’t making any progress. Columnists in newspapers and commentators on the radio accused Truman of playing with fire in terms of his increasingly dangerous populist rantings. One of the five main pollsters stated that he was done polling before the election, since Dewey’s victory was a foregone conclusion. The only real base of support Truman seemed to have was from labor unions, which the Republicans dismissed under the category of “of course”. Since the press and the Eastern Establishment had decided that Dewey was a shoe-in for the White House, their attention shifted to the make-up of the 81st Congress. In the 80th Congress, in the House the Republicans had a 245-185 majority, and in the Senate their advantage was 51-45. The press and the Eastern Establishment believed that the Republicans would maintain a clear majority in the House, but it was admitted there was a chance that the Senate could change hands, in that Democrats had a chance to flip seats in IL, WV, OK, KY, and MN.


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     Later in September 1948, Truman’s campaign train reached CA, where he planned to criss-cross the entire state north-to-south in order to win the state’s 25 Electoral Votes. In CA, the polls had Truman behind Dewey, but those same polls indicated that Truman was gaining ground. Reporters traveling with Truman believed they were covering a loser, so they did the absolute minimum to keep their editors happy in terms of how hard they worked, not even leaving the press railcar to see/hear Truman speak. That chosen isolation of those reporters meant that they weren’t aware of the larger-than-expected crowds that Truman spoke to in CA, and they also missed out that the President was connecting more-and-more with the “Average American” on his campaign train tour. 
     The working class and labor unions viewed Truman as their champion, in that he had their backs, and an increasing number of the growing middle class started to see Truman in the same light. Starting especially in CA, shouts of “Give ‘em Hell, Harry” were heard during his speeches, and Truman would very often respond by saying that he was just telling the truth about the Republicans, which the GOP thought was “Hell”. Campaign staffers noticed that at rural whistle stops the crowds were larger than the entire population of the county, even at very early-or-late hours. Truman worked 16 hours a day on the campaign train, working “like a dog” according to Clark Clifford. At no time did Truman say a word that indicated that he had the slightest doubt he would win the election (his wife Bess didn’t share his dogged optimism). Truman understood that winning CA was beyond-critical, in that only three other states exceeded CA’s 25 Electoral Votes: NY (47), PA (35), and IL (28). 
     Truman’s tour of CA would climax in Los Angeles on 23 September 1948 at Gilmore Stadium, which didn’t have the capacity of the LA Coliseum, but it held more than the Hollywood Bowl, which was where Dewey was scheduled to have a rally the next day. The polls and newspapers all predicted that Dewey would carry CA (GOP VP candidate Earl Warren was the sitting governor of CA) in a comfortable-yet competitive fashion. CA was a mix of a liberal majority along the coastline and a more conservative population in the state’s interior (CA’s “Farm Belt”), and both voting blocs had overwhelmingly elected Warren as governor in 1942 and again in 1946. Like Dewey, Warren’s stands on major issues matched those of Truman, so the President couldn’t exploit any differences in CA with Warren as he was doing with the 80th Congress.
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     Truman’s campaign train tour was running out of money, so much so that the President had to speak where it was free to do so at the steps of San Francisco’s City Hall in front of 35k before he headed to Los Angeles. Truman’s campaign train was able to continue because just enough money trickled in from the DNC and individual donors. In Los Angeles, over 100k people lined the streets to see Truman’s motorcade head to Gilmore Stadium, which was filled to capacity. On stage with Truman were Humphrey Bogart and Laren Bacall (who were married to each other), who were red-hot, in that their movie “Key Largo” was playing in theaters and was a huge success. Truman gave his harshest-yet speech against Communism at Gilbert Stadium, attacking Wallace with great enthusiasm. 
     In Los Angeles, the “2nd Red Scare” had torn apart Hollywood, in that HUAC had accused movie screenwriters of being Communists or Communist sympathizers/influencers, and that committee was just getting started in terms of going after people in other professions in the movie industry. When the screenwriters refused to “Name Names” earlier in 1948 (the “Hollywood 10”), they were sentenced to prison, and worse yet, blacklisted. Truman didn’t address the “Hollywood Red Scare”, keeping his focus on Wallace, who could steal votes to deny him CA. Truman’s motorcade then traveled to San Diego, where the President spoke to another huge crowd in another packed stadium. It started to dawn on Truman’s campaign entourage that the President had a real chance to win CA.  ​

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     The next day (24 September 1948) Dewey’s Victory Special campaign train reached Los Angeles, where the GOP nominee hoped to attract bigger crowds than Truman, since he had more movie stars in support, and he believed he matched Truman’s energy in his speaking style. Dewey was indeed successful in getting famous figures from Hollywood to appear with him, including Walt Disney, Randolph Scott, Barbara Stanwyck, and John Wayne. Like Truman, Dewey chose to focus his speech on attacking Communism, and without specifically referring to Truman by name, Dewey stated that the current administration had blundered and bungled foreign affairs to crisis points. Dewey went further, claiming that the current administration was ignoring (or worse yet enabling) Communist spies in the US Government. Dewey then closed his speech with his “unity” theme. The consensus among the press in CA, as well as in the nation, was that the state would be won by the Republican ticket of Dewey and Warren. ​
     During late-September 1948, the Truman campaign train headed to AZ and NM, and then to TX. In the Lone Star State, Thurmond was not polling well, but there were pockets of the state where the Dixiecrat candidate was strongly supported. The first major stop for Truman in TX was El Paso, where an unexpectedly large crowd awaited. One advantage Truman had in TX was that Congressman Lyndon B. Johnson (D; TX) was running for a US Senate seat, which added political muscle to the mainstream Democratic efforts in the state.

     Truman did not mention Civil rights in his speeches in TX, but the presence of African-Americans in the crowds spoke for him, and at least once he made a point of shaking hands with an African-American after speaking.  In Bonham (TX) Truman spoke to 25k people, where he blasted Dewey on “unity”, telling the crowd that the GOP version of “unity” would be totally to their own party’s advantage, especially in terms of whittling-away the New Deal. Truman delivered 22 speeches in TX, the vast majority extemporaneously, and he and his campaign staff deemed his run through the state as very successful.

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     Money for Truman’s campaign train tour was once again almost running out, and there was the real chance that the train would be broken up and all aboard would have to make their own way from that point. Thankfully, there were wealthy donors on board (oil money), and out came their checkbooks. The last major stop for Truman’s campaign train was Oklahoma City, where the President attacked Republicans for putting their party’s interests over the national security of the nation. Truman also went after the Republicans for not paying nearly enough attention to inflation or the housing shortage because they were obsessed with finding the “Enemies Within”. 
     When Truman got back on the train after that speech (which had been broadcast nationwide on radio), there wasn’t enough money to get the train out of the station, so phone calls had to be made to bring in funds, and Truman kicked in some of his money as well. Also in short supply was the energy level of the campaign staffers, but enough money was brought in, and enough energy remained among the campaign entourage, to bring the train back to Union Station in DC on 2 October 1948. On that same day, the New York Times endorsed Dewey (the Times did not endorse Dewey in 1944, and usually endorsed Democrats). Truman and his campaign staff rested-up as best as they could while the campaign train was readied (as well as money raised) for a tour across the northern US, which would start the next week . . . 
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15) Truman, Dewey, Thurmond, & Wallace: September 1948

5/1/2025

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                 Source: A.J. Baime. Dewey Defeats Truman - The 1948 Election
                                                   and the Battle For America’s Soul (2020)
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     The President returned to DC to take care of some Presidential business (e.g. getting updated on West Berlin), and on 13 September 1948, Truman’s campaign finance chair held a fundraising event. Truman told potential donors that if they didn’t come up with $25k, then he would not be able to conduct his cross-country campaign. In the room, two donors wrote checks for $10k each, which led to the total of $25k being collected. On 17 September 1948, Truman and Margaret left DC on the campaign train (Bess was still in Denver). Before the train left, Truman told his VP running mate, Senator Alben Barkley, that “We’re going to give them hell”. That same afternoon, Truman spoke in Pittsburgh (PA), and then he worked his way through OH. At 5:45 am the next morning, Truman was in Rock Island (IL) where 4000 people were there to see the President. Truman then worked his way through the Republican state of IA making six stops, and he was well-received at each location (the campaign train picked up Bess in Des Moines). 
     Information from the campaign’s “Advance Man”, who was usually a couple of days ahead of the train, came in regularly, as well as data from the campaign’s research team, which was designed to add to Truman’s already-engaging speeches (e.g. congratulating a town for building a new sausage factory). Truman started his speeches saying nice things about the town, and then he would launch into his attack on the “Do Nothing” 80th Congress. Behind the President as he spoke was a campaign staffer that knew shorthand, so a record was kept of every speech Truman made on the campaign train tour. The Secret Service made sure that the closest the crowd was able to get to the back of the train was 15 - 20 feet (in those days, people stayed behind a rope barrier). If at all possible, Truman went for a morning walk just before sunrise, with his goal being 120 steps a minute, which meant his security detail had to have a spring in their step to keep up.


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     Never before-or-since has there been a President that looked and talked like the average American voter. Before entering politics, Truman was a captain in an artillery battalion in World War I, and then a failed businessman, where he and his partner couldn’t make a go of their haberdashery. Truman had not forgotten his years as an “Average American”, and even though he was the President, he looked like millions of men that were just walking on a sidewalk. And like millions of Americans, Truman was blunt, fallible, and he possessed humility. 
   Truman’s goal was not to attack Dewey, but to go after the Republican Party as a whole, in particular the “Do Nothing” 80th Congress. Truman never mentioned Dewey in his speeches on the campaign train, but he did single out Republican Congressmen and Senators, such as Senator Robert Taft. Truman and Dewey actually agreed on many things, such as Israel, Civil Rights, and increasing Social Security benefits, but the differences between Truman and the Republican 80th Congress were beyond-stark. Truman staked his Presidency on accentuating the differences between the special interests of the Republicans versus the interests of the people. 
     On 18 September 1948, Truman’s campaign train reached Dexter (IA) in the late-morning on an already sweltering day, and he was stunned to see over 90k (obviously mostly Republican voters) waiting to see and hear him. Truman noticed on a nearby field that the wealthy had parked their Cadillacs and private airplanes. Truman heard the local event organizers loudly complaining that the wealthy interlopers had parked their luxury cars and private planes in the wrong place (of course the wealthy had to be on the field right by the railroad tracks where Truman’s train stopped), in that they were in the way for the soon-to-be-held plowing contest. Therefore, before he spoke Truman knew that in the huge crowd were wealthy citizens (the vast majority not from the area) surrounded by IA farmers that had suffered during the Great Depression. But Truman also was fully aware that since 1940, the purchasing power of farmers had increased by 70% (compared to 50% for the rest of the nation), and overall farmers were again experiencing prosperity.
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     Towards the end of his speech at Dexter, Truman talked about the Commodity Credit Corporation (CCC), and little did he know that he touched on a point that would have a major impact on his election victory. The CCC was a de facto government-controlled bank whose mission was to stabilize farm income and agricultural commodity prices. During June 1948, the Republican 80th Congress passed a law that changed the CCC, in that the government would no longer provide storage bins for excess grain from a bumper harvest. Without those storage bins, farmers would have no way to store their surplus grain and would have to sell that excess right away, which would lower the market price of that crop. 
     Truman made it crystal-clear that he wanted farmers to have storage bins courtesy of the federal government, and that the Republican 80th Congress was responsible for taking them away, since they wanted to please special interests such as futures traders in agricultural commodities. The crowd didn’t react to Truman’s storage bin attack on the 80th Congress, but the significance of his remarks would manifest itself soon enough, since harvest time wasn’t too far away. After his speech, Truman showed-off for the crowd. As a young man, Truman had worked on a farm in MO, and among his jobs was plowing fields. The President stepped off from the Ferdinand Magellan’s rear platform and went to a plow which was pulled by mules. Truman then proceeded to plow a straight line (which must have impressed the farmers in the massive crowd), and then he returned to his railcar. Truman was disappointed that his speech and plowing stunt didn’t resonate with the crowd (he expected a far more raucous response), but both would resonate across the nation as the days and weeks passed.


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     Dewey’s campaign staff (not counting his top advisors and speech writers) consisted of six researchers, two research secretaries, two press secretaries, a newsreel assistant, a radio assistant, a stenographer, a mimeograph operator, and two doctors. On a somewhat regular basis, FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover sent Dewey information on Truman that could be used against the President, which turned out to be not very much at all (Hoover badly wanted to be Dewey’s Attorney General). Dewey’s campaign train had 17 railcars (like Truman’s), and there were 81 reporters, most from the top-tier “A-Team” in the world of journalism that hitched their wagon to Dewey, wanting to cover a sure winner. There were also enough still photo and movie cameras on board the train to start a small Hollywood studio. 
     Dewey made his first campaign appearance at Rock Island (IL), where 10k were assembled, and that night he spoke at Drake University in Des Moines. Unlike Truman, Dewey basically talked-down to his crowds, which was off-putting to some, but he came across as smart and competent for the challenges that faced the nation. Dewey’s campaign strategy was to ignore the conservative wing of the GOP, avoid any specifics on the major issues, and to speak in platitudes as often as possible; if there was a single word that summed up Dewey’s campaign message, it was “unity”. Dewey refused to resort to campaign gimmicks, wisecracks, or policy-bashing, but instead he focused on his competence and expertise (to him, it was nothing more than brilliance), as well as his message of “unity”. 


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    The reporters that accompanied Dewey were feted upon far more than those that toured with Truman (some reporters covered part of both traveling campaigns), enjoying such things as laundry service as well as mimeographed copies of Dewey’s upcoming speech to make their job easier to write up their articles. Another thing that helped the reporters that were with Dewey was that he never deviated from those mimeographed copies in his speeches, where Truman went off-script very often. On Truman’s train, it was whiskey and poker, on Dewey’s it was martinis and bridge. Truman’s campaign train was threadbare and austere, whereas in comparison Dewey’s was opulent. 
    During mid-September 1948 in Columbia (SC), Strom Thurmond announced the itinerary of his campaign as the candidate of the Dixiecrat Party, and he made clear the Dixiecrat platform, which was simple: States’ Rights, especially concerning race. Every destination on the itinerary was a location where Thurmond would be cheered as a hero, a defender and champion of segregation (Baltimore was the northernmost destination for Thurmond’s campaign). While Thurmond refused to campaign outside of the South, he publicly berated Truman for not campaigning in the South, especially in South Carolina. Outside of Thurmond’s home state of SC, his support was scant, with Gallup having him at 6% in TX, 5% in KY, and 13% in NC, figures far below what the Dixiecrats expected. The only states where the “Thurmond Phenomenon” caught on in any way were SC, AL, MS, LA, and GA (and some of FL). Thurmond attacked Truman, Dewey, and Wall
ace, portraying them as de facto traitors in their support of Civil Rights. 
     Despite Thurmond’s low poll numbers, Truman and mainstream Democrats knew every vote Thurmond received was a vote Truman didn’t receive. Given that situation, the GOP believed it could for the first time cut into the “Solid South”, where the region would embrace Republican conservatism (which did indeed occur, starting in the 1960s/1970s). Thurmond had no idea that his Dixiecrat Party was laying the foundation for a new power base in the future for conservative Republicans. During 1964, Thurmond switched parties, becoming a conservative Republican during an election year where the GOP nominated its first truly conservative nominee, Senator Barry Goldwater of AZ.

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     Henry Wallace campaigned in New England, and then traveled to the Pacific Northwest. Wallace was stunned at the vitriol he faced in Boston, where the taunts of “Go Back to Russia” once again occurred. When Wallace attended a Major League baseball game between the Pittsburgh Pirates and the Boston Braves, he was widely booed and hissed by the crowd. Wallace was not attracting large crowds anymore, and his tone began to change; his message was now more about calamity than policies and issues, and he became even more hostile in his attacks on Truman. 
     Wallace kept denying he was a Communist, but evidence linking his campaign to the Communist Party USA was undeniable, to the point where if the Communist Party USA was no longer directly involved, Wallace would not be able to campaign at all. The state election board in IL removed Wallace’s name from the state’s Presidential ballot, and the Supreme Court upheld the move in a 6 - 3 decision. Westbrook Pegler continued his attacks on Wallace in his columns, coming into possession of even more Guru Letters. By the early-Fall of 1948, Wallace had become politically isolated, to the point where prominent and powerful Democrats (such as Eleanor Roosevelt) that had been in his corner now no longer wanted anything to do with him . . . 

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14) Truman, Dewey, & Wallace: August/September 1948

4/29/2025

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                 Source: A.J. Baime. Dewey Defeats Truman - The 1948 Election
                                                   and the Battle For America’s Soul (2020)
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     For his marathon nationwide campaign, Truman again would use the luxury Ferdinand Magellan railcar, which would be at the tail-end of the train. Truman’s goal was to make more campaign speeches and appearances than any other Presidential candidate in US History. The campaign train would start out during Labor Day weekend for stops in MI and OH to start. Before doing so, Truman went on vacation, leaving on 20 August 1948 for a cruise on board the Presidential yacht (the USS Williamsburg) with family, advisors, poker buddies, as well as Secret Service agents and the White House physician. For the next nine days, Truman relaxed on board the yacht, taking time to recharge for the marathon campaign that awaited him. Truman loved boats, in large part because he was isolated enough to be himself instead of being President. At night he watched movies, such as “Key Largo” with Humphrey Bogart and Lauren Bacall. 
     While Truman cruised the Chesapeake Bay, the Arab-Israeli War had reached a temporary truce under UN mediation, but there was virtually no hope that the truce would last. While American Jews were thrilled with the surprising success and strength of the Israeli army, the State Department was alarmed, in that over 300k Palestinians (non-Jews) had been forced from their homes by Israel and were not allowed to return, creating a humanitarian crisis which became worse with each succeeding day. 
    In Moscow, the US Ambassador to the USSR, Walter Bedell Smith, was in direct negotiations with Stalin and Molotov over the crisis in West Berlin. Their discussions (such as they were) proved fruitless, and the Berlin Airlift continued. By then US and British planes were delivering 3000 tons of supplies to West Berlin each day, which was an incredible haul, but still not enough for the two-plus million residents of West Berlin to survive the upcoming winter. Stalin was stalling, gambling that Father Winter would force America's hand in West Berlin.
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     Towards the end of August 1948, the Democratic National Committee became frantic in their efforts to raise funds for Truman’s campaign train, needing at least $10k for Truman’s nationwide radio broadcast from Detroit (kicking off his tour), $10k for campaign posters, and those two were only the beginning of a long list of expensive items. After Truman returned from his vacation aboard the USS Williamsburg, he was visited by a friend who was also the Secretary of the Senate, who spent his summer vacation traveling undercover as a chicken farmer in the Midwest. Truman’s friend wanted to get a real feel of the political landscape among those that lived in the region. Truman was informed by his friend that what he heard from voters was entirely different than what was reported in newspapers and on radio, and that if the President pushed the right buttons on his campaign train tour, he’d win the election. 
    Truman started his cross-country campaign tour on 5 September 1948 when he left Detroit on the Ferdinand Magellan, which was the last railcar of a train that had 17 total. Truman’s daughter, Margaret, was with him to start the tour, since his wife (Bess) was visiting family in Denver. The latest poll numbers indicated that Dewey’s lead was seemingly insurmountable: Dewey - 46.3%, Truman - 31.5%; Wallace - 3%; and “Other Candidates” - 2.4% (which included the Dixiecrat candidate Strom Thurmond). Reporters again accompanied Truman, having their own barracks-like railcar for night and a working railcar for day; this time on the train there were photographers as well as newsreel cameramen. Another train traveled a few miles ahead of Truman’s campaign train for security reasons, and there was an “Advance Man” well ahead of both trains. Among the tasks for that “Advance Man” was to get a crowd assembled-and-waiting for Truman as the train pulled into town, in order for the President to simply walk out the back door of the Ferdinand Magellan to the railcar’s rear platform to speak to the crowd. Secret Service agents placed a microphone and three loudspeakers on the railcar’s platform with Truman so the crowd could hear the President speak.

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     Truman had “worker bees” handling the data he needed for specific stops, and he relied on Clark Clifford for the “big speeches”. Truman spoke using 3x5 notecards (which had the “data”), but he would also speak extemporaneously. Assistance from the White House came via planes that delivered more data and “big speech” help for Clifford, which were picked up at coordinated locations so Truman’s short speeches would be on-point for that specific locale. Truman’s campaign was compared to a football game, where he was on his own five yard line with only three minutes left to play, and he needed a touchdown to win. Truman’s nationwide campaign tour was designed to be the “trick play” that pulled off the shocking upset. 
     The first stop for Truman’s campaign train was Grand Rapids (MI), which was “Republican Country”, but 25k appeared in a pouring rain to see and hear the President. What that crowd saw was not the man that newspapers and radio portrayed, since Truman spoke to them very much like a neighbor, albeit from the back of a luxury railcar. Truman attacked the Republican 80th Congress and encouraged the crowd to vote, making a point to especially mention how damaging non-voting was in a Presidential Election. 
    After his speech (and every speech during his whistle stop campaign), Truman went to a special “receiving” railcar to meet local dignitaries for a quick meet-and-greet, which was beyond-important to drum-up local support. In that railcar at Grand Rapids were automobile manufacturing executives from the “Big 3” (GM, Ford, and Chrysler), union leaders, local Democratic Party leaders, as well as Democratic candidates for local, state, or national office. Incredibly, only 15 minutes were allocated for Truman’s speech as well as the meet-and-greet, given the tight travel schedule, but Truman pulled it off nonetheless, and the campaign train continued to its next destination. After Grand Rapids, ironically Truman went back to Detroit, where he would give a nationwide radio address. 


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     It turned out that the only way Truman’s radio address in Detroit would occur was if the DNC coughed up $25k, but it didn’t have the money. Incredibly, the wealthy Democratic governor of OK (who was on board the campaign train at the time) wrote a personal check for $25k so the President could deliver his national radio address. In Cadillac Square in Detroit, over 125k people waited to see Truman in person, and the radio networks were ready to broadcast his speech. In that era, Detroit was “Ground Zero” for the working class and unions, and Truman was speaking to “Truman People” in Cadillac Square. Truman’s “Ace-in-the-Hole” was the Taft-Hartley Act of 1947, which was an anti-union law the Republican 80th Congress passed over Truman’s veto. Truman made sure to stress that the 80th Congress had made sure that Wall Street and Big Business were taken care of at the expense of the working class and labor unions. Truman told the huge crowd and the radio audience that if Dewey was elected, it would be a “boom” for Wall Street and Big Business, but a “bust” for the working class and unions. Truman closed by saying, “I know that we are going to win this crusade for the right!”. 
     As Truman’s small motorcade left Cadillac Square to return to the train station, over 500k people stood by the side of the streets to see the President pass. Cynics in the press stated that a President always attracted crowds, but that didn’t mean that they would vote for him - even if they hated the President, people still wanted to see him in person. In Pontiac (MI), 15k heard Truman speak, and 35k were assembled in Flint (MI) to hear the President. After Flint, Truman was back on the campaign train where he headed to Toledo (OH), where he gave a speech and then met 86 dignitaries in the “receiving” car, which marked the end of the first day of the campaign train’s tour. Truman was 64 years old, vigorous and in good health, but those with him on the campaign train wondered if the President could keep up that blistering pace all the way to Election Day on 2 November 1948.


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    On 7 September 1948, Dewey listened to Harold Stassen in Detroit deliver a blistering rebuttal to Truman’s radio address from the day before, which officially started Dewey’s campaign (although Stassen delivered the speech, Dewey had proofread and approved every word beforehand). Stassen accused Truman of making, “ . . . an extreme demagogic appeal to set class against class”. Stassen blamed Truman for the high prices and the housing shortage (which was severe in Detroit), as well as blaming the President for the labor strikes and work stoppages that caused workers to lose over a billion dollars in wages, and then Stassen classified Truman as a “colossal failure”. 
     On 10 September 1948, Henry Wallace returned to NYC to address 45k+ in Yankee Stadium (where he claimed it was NYC’s largest political rally ever), and he again became the main story in the day’s news cycle. Unlike in the Deep South, Wallace spoke to an enthusiastic and supportive crowd, both white and African-American, where he told the huge throng of his experiences in the South, describing in great detail the hate that he had faced . . .
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13) Truman, Dewey, & Wallace: July/August 1948

4/24/2025

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                 Source: A.J. Baime. Dewey Defeats Truman - The 1948 Election
                                                   and the Battle For America’s Soul (2020)
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     The only time Truman and Dewey met face-to-face was during the dedication of the new Idlewild Airport in NYC in front of over 200k people. The crowd was there in part for the dedication, more so to see President Truman and Governor Dewey, but especially so for what amounted to an airshow with the latest and largest military aircraft. On the speaker’s platform, Truman was a few inches taller, but he looked old enough to be Dewey’s father (due to his white hair). Truman and Dewey posed and smiled for the cameras, showing (but not feeling) genuine political sportsmanship. After leaving Idlewild, Truman returned to DC on the “Sacred Cow” (the forerunner of Air Force One), dropped off some passengers, and within ten  minutes took off to MO to vote in the state’s Democratic primary. 
     While Truman was flying to MO, the most sensational domestic story of the year so far was breaking over the radio and in newspapers. Starting on 31 July 1948, HUAC (the House Un-American Activities Committee), which included Congressman Richard Nixon (R; CA), started hearings on what was believed to be an underground Communist conspiracy in the US Government. Those HUAC hearings then morphed into what became known as the “Alger Hiss Case”. Before Alger Hiss was named by others (he was a mid-level figure in the State Department), plenty more had been thrown under the bus by people that wanted to get the HUAC spotlight off of them; for example, two men on Truman’s campaign staff were named. Hiss was a well-known and respected figure among the Eastern Elites, and Truman knew Hiss as well. In essence, Hiss was accused of being a Soviet spy in the State Department, and shockwaves rippled through DC and the nation. ​

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     Hiss denied the accusation, and powerful people came to his defense, including Eleanor Roosevelt. When Hiss testified in front of HUAC, he was overconfident and very smug, feeling that he was absolutely untouchable given his connections to influential Eastern Elites, and that he would be exonerated after he testified (lectured) HUAC. It became a national obsession if Hiss was or was not a Soviet spy in the government (in the end, Hiss was a Soviet spy, which was proven in 1949 by the only hard-working and sane member of HUAC, Richard Nixon). 
     During a press conference, Truman called out the “Do Nothing” 80th Congress for not passing legislation to curb inflation, which had become an even larger campaign issue by August 1948. A reporter asked Truman if the Capitol Spy Scare (as it was known at that point), was a “Red Herring” to divert public attention from inflation. Truman answered, saying that the HUAC hearings served no practical purpose, and worse yet was inflicting harm on innocent people in the government. Truman then ad-libbed his next line, saying, “And they [HUAC] are simply a ‘red herring’ to keep people from doing what they [Congress] ought to do”.  It was a clever pun, but a politically dangerous one, in that basically Truman admitted that there was a good possibility that Communists had infiltrated the US Government. The next day, the nation’s major newspapers featured “Red Herring” in their headlines, and GOP leaders called out Truman, labeling his comment “treasonous in spirit”. Some Republicans went so far to accuse Truman of covering up the existence of Communists in the US Government. 


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     Senator Homer Ferguson (R; MI) used Truman’s “Loyalty Board” executive order (#9835 from March 1947), demanding that Truman’s administration hand over FBI files of government employees to HUAC. Senator Ferguson’s demand backed Truman into a corner, in that if he handed over the files, the privacy rights of innocent Americans would be violated. However, if Truman did not turn over the files, he would open himself up to Republican attacks that he was “soft” on Communism, even participating in a cover-up of Communist infiltration in the government. Truman refused to turn over the FBI files, where then Senator Ferguson demanded an impeachment inquiry, which went nowhere. But newspaper headlines didn’t help Truman at all, and conservative voters became even more worked-up and angry. 
     While the “Red Herring” scurrilous hoo-haw was consuming oxygen, the Alger Hiss Case continued in closed session. By that point, Congressman Richard Nixon believed Hiss was lying, and he started to seriously look for evidence (on his own and with assistance) that would provide proof that Hiss was a Soviet spy. The Alger Hiss Case was a political hornet’s nest for both Truman and Dewey, depending on whether-or-not Hiss was lying; if Hiss was lying, it would be very bad news for Truman. One of Dewey’s closest advisors was John Foster Dulles, who was expected to be Dewey’s Secretary of State. Dulles was a friend of Hiss (Dulles being a “higher ranking” member in the Eastern Elites), so Dewey was only one degree of separation from Alger Hiss, which was problematic for him and his campaign. 


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     On 11 August 1948, Congressman Richard Nixon went to NYC to visit Dewey at his campaign HQ in the Roosevelt Hotel, and Dulles was at the meeting as well. Nixon brought with him transcripts of the HUAC hearings (both open and closed), which provided Dewey and Dulles with new and damaging information concerning Hiss; where HUAC’s investigation went from that point was anyone’s guess. As the press kept its focus on the Alger Hiss Case, paranoia of “Enemies Within” grew during the transition from Summer-to-Fall, which led voters to wonder which Presidential candidate would go after the “Enemies Within” with greater zeal. Truman and Dewey had to prove themselves on the belief that America was being infiltrated, and even attacked, by “Enemies Within” - the “2nd Red Scare” had begun. 
     Alger Hiss was not the only one on which HUAC shined its spotlight. Henry Wallace faced even more scrutiny from HUAC than Hiss; John Abt had been “outed” by HUAC, and he was a key cog in Wallace’s campaign staff. When Abt testified in front of HUAC, he was repeatedly asked if he was a Communist, and Abt repeatedly invoked his 5th Amendment rights to not incriminate himself, which only intensified the attacks on Wallace by the press. Nine days after Abt’s testimony, Henry Wallace headed south to begin a six state campaign tour, so far south that he was heading deep into “Dixiecrat Land” where he not only had zero support from Southern white Democrats, he was seen as an enemy of the entire region. It took incredible personal and political courage for Wallace to campaign in the heart of the former Confederacy.


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     On 29 August 1948, Wallace arrived in VA, where he made it clear he wouldn’t speak to any crowd in which African-Americans were segregated from whites, nor would he sleep in any building that did so. Wallace traveled with a mixed-race campaign staff, and some of their reservations had been canceled because the hotels refused to cater to African-Americans. As a result, Wallace had no choice but to lodge himself and his campaign staff in African-American homes. In his first speech in VA (Suffolk), Wallace spoke to about 1000 in a theater in an African-American neighborhood. Wallace proposed a billion-dollar-a-year government subsidy for Southern industry and agriculture. As far as Wallace was concerned, if billions were spent on foreigners by the Marshall Plan in Western Europe, why couldn’t a smaller amount be spent in the US for similar reasons. When Wallace left the theater, he was heckled by a group of white men who shouted, “Hey Joe Stalin is looking for you”, and “Why don’t you go to South Carolina?”. There were also placards that read, “Send Wallace Back to Russia”, and another had “Wallace - The Hitler of Today”. 
     In Burlington (NC) on 30 August 1948, Wallace’s car was hit with raw eggs, tomatoes, and even an ice cream cone as he approached his speaking venue. Once there, several hundred Southern whites blocked the entrances to the auditorium. After 15 minutes of watching and waiting (protected by a police officer), Wallace shouted to the thugs “I would like to see some indication that I am in the United States”. Eventually, Wallace was able to take the stage inside the auditorium, and when he was getting ready to speak behind the podium, an egg hit him in his face and hair. Those types of insulting encounters continued as Wallace conducted his campaign tour in the South, and the national reaction was a mix of outrage on the one hand, and apathy on the other. Wallace’s campaign tour in the South shed light on the blatant White Supremacy in the region; millions of Americans that were either unaware or believed that the situation was overblown were given a stark reality check, in that White Supremacy and segregation were brutal facts within US democracy. Years later looking back on his campaign tour of the South, Wallace described what he experienced as “Human hate in the raw” . . .
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12) Dewey & Thurmond: July/August 1948

4/22/2025

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                 Source: A.J. Baime. Dewey Defeats Truman - The 1948 Election
                                                   and the Battle For America’s Soul (2020)
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    As Dewey’s vacation at his farm in Upstate New York was coming to an end in July 1948, he gathered his campaign team in order to start planning for what they believed would be the smartest, most data-driven Presidential campaign in US History. Dewey’s campaign team was almost exactly the same from the group that ran his 1944 campaign against FDR, which included Herb Brownell. During early-August 1948, Dewey returned to Albany where he met with the RNC chairman, who had advice for the governor. What the RNC chair wanted  Dewey to do was to run the same kind of campaign in 1948 as he did in 1944, an attack-dog campaign that gunned for Truman as Dewey had done as a prosecutor going after mob bosses. Dewey told the RNC chair that his campaign strategy would be different, in that the focus would be on “smart” and “data” instead of “attack”. 
     Dewey felt the election was already won, and all he had to do was to avoid making mistakes as well as being labeled a reactionary. Dewey’s closest campaign advisors wanted him to run a careful campaign, to not “rock the boat” as he had done in 1944. The RNC chair was shocked and alarmed, and he told Dewey that the vast majority of Republicans wanted him to campaign the way he did four years before, such as in Oklahoma City where he called President Franklin Roosevelt a “blatant demagogue”, saying that FDR’s lies were the kind, “. . . which not even [Joseph] Goebbels would have attempted”. Dewey told the RNC chair that his Oklahoma City speech was the worst he had ever given, and that he wouldn’t get into the gutter with Truman. Dewey laid it out for the RNC chair, informing him that this time he wouldn’t attack the dignity of the office he was seeking. The RNC chair countered by saying he believed Dewey would be attacking the dignity of the man who held the office.

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     Dewey’s memory from 1938 was still fresh, in that he had run an “attack campaign” trying to win the gubernatorial election in NY and lost, and his attacking style had cost him the Presidential Election of 1944 against FDR. Dewey was going to campaign in 1948 in the same manner that had been successful in 1942 and 1946 when he won back-to-back gubernatorial elections in NY. In those elections, Dewey focused on his leadership and doing the job right on behalf of New Yorkers, and his wife strongly supported that style of campaigning as well. Dewey had data that proved when conservative Republicans such as Senator Robert Taft attacked Truman, the President benefited, in that the public sympathized with Truman. 
     During 16 and 17 August 1948, Dewey met with his senior campaign staff and his Vice-Presidential candidate Earl Warren in his executive mansion in Albany to get specific with campaign strategy. Dewey also held press conferences where he was asked questions by reporters (while Warren stood silent off to the side). During those press conferences during mid-August, Dewey acted like he was already the President of the United States, and the campaign focused on making Dewey look Presidential in every one of his public appearances. For example, during August Dewey was the lead honorary pallbearer at the funeral of Babe Ruth before a crowd of 75k that had gathered outside of St. Patrick’s Cathedral in Manhattan. 
     Dewey had newsreel cameras film him at his desk in Albany talking to advisors, which made him appear to be already in the Oval Office. Dewey’s campaign kept reminding voters of his many successes as New York Governor in helping those in need, e.g. subsidized housing and helping wounded veterans. Also, the campaign stressed that Dewey avoided crises, such as finding solutions to labor strikes before they occurred. The Dewey campaign wanted to hammer home the idea that since he was successful as the Governor of New York, which was the most populous and diverse state in the nation, then he was qualified to be President.


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     Campaign staffers prepped Dewey’s itinerary for his cross-country campaign tour as well as diving into statistics to find patterns and data to gain further advantage over Truman. In effect, the campaign focused on “Battle Districts” in key states from data derived from the Congressional Elections of 1946. Dewey had Herb Brownell court celebrities from the worlds of theater, literature, and the arts to campaign for him, as well as movie stars when he campaigned in Los Angeles. The campaign decided to make a movie called “The Dewey Story”, with the goal to make Dewey into a temporary de facto movie star. The people behind the popular newsreel series “The March of Time” were tasked with producing the short movie on Dewey at a cost of $35k, plus extra money to pay for prints of the film to be distributed to movie theaters. Dewey was promised that the short movie would show in theaters (before the feature film) during the final two weeks before the election. 
     Dewey’s campaign created the first-ever in-house polling unit, since people (like today) were infatuated with polls, like moths to a light. Dewey’s campaign reached out to all five major pollster organizations to learn about their techniques. However, George Gallup refused to cooperate, asking why the GOP would waste spending campaign funds on his polling organization since Truman was a sure loser. Truman was set to begin his intense campaign in Detroit after Labor Day weekend, but Dewey and his campaign staff decided to wait to start two weeks later. To combat Truman in Detroit, Dewey enlisted Harold Stassen to deal with the President. That request was a total surprise to Stassen, since animosity between the two had been the rule after his bruising experience in the Republican primaries earlier in the year.
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     On 31 July 1948, Strom Thurmond was the headliner at the first official Dixiecrat rally in Cherryville (NC) in front of 5000 rabid attendees. Thurmond told the crowd that if Truman’s Civil Rights program was enforced, civil strife and lawlessness would be the new norm, and that the intermingling of races in schools and public areas was impractical and impossible. Thurmond stated that he would fight to protect the heritage and traditions of the South against “a bunch of hack politicians”. Thurmond was beyond-determined to have the Dixiecrats positioned as the bulwark against what was viewed as federal encroachment on states’ rights (as was also a tradition in the South for many decades; “States’ Rights” was code for the denial of Civil Rights). Thurmond did his absolute best to convince as many voters as possible that the focus of the Dixiecrats was not White Supremacy, but state sovereignty. Those that supported the Dixiecrats were all-in with segregation, and they had their political and cultural savior in Strom Thurmond. 
     When Thurmond was born in 1902 (the same year as Dewey), it was in the political landscape created by the Compromise of 1877, in which both Rutherford B. Hayes (Republican) and Sameul Tilden (Democrat) both claimed a majority of the Electoral College vote. A special Congressional committee was formed to decide the winner (which had one more Republican compared to the Democrats), and the disputed Electoral Votes were awarded to Hayes. However, the Democrats exacted a promise that federal troops that were in the South as occupying forces would be removed. The Compromise of 1877 meant: 1) White Supremacy was sanctioned in the South, and; 2) The Democrats controlled the South (the “Solid South”); the entire region voted for Democratic Presidential candidates all the way through 1944.


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     With the Compromise of 1877,  the North abandoned Reconstruction, which meant that the South won the “Second Civil War”. The South regained control of their way of life in 1877, which once again meant that African-Americans were at the mercy of Southern whites. Strom Thurmond was raised in a Southern society in which White Supremacy and segregation were unquestioned traditions. During his early-20s, Thurmond lived at home with his wealthy parents in South Carolina. Among the servants on the Thurmond estate was a 16 year old African-American girl, Carrie Butler, who gave birth to a baby girl she named Essie Mae. After her birth, Thurmond left the family estate and went to VA. Essie Mae was Thurmond’s daughter (Essie Mae was the result of another unquestioned Southern tradition of that era) and she remained a secret for the rest of Thurmond’s long life. When Thurmond returned to SC, Essie Mae was sent to live with relatives in PA. 
     After serving in World War II, Thurmond returned to SC as a war hero; he had been involved in D-Day as well as heavy combat in the months afterwards, being awarded the Bronze Star and the Purple Heart. Thurmond also saw the horrors of the Holocaust when he was part of the US forces that liberated the Nazi death camp at Buchenwald. At the age of 43, Thurmond pursued the office of Governor of South Carolina. However, Thurmond discovered that SC (as well as the rest of the South) wasn’t the same after World War II, in that African-American veterans were leading the way in demanding greater freedom and justice. The Supreme Court also shifted the political and cultural landscape in the South in Smith v. Allwright in 1944. In that decision on all-white elections in the South, the Supreme Court ruled that the African-American plaintiff (Lonnie E. Smith) was denied his constitutional right to vote in the TX Democratic primary (among the NAACP’s legal team representing Smith was a young
Thurgood Marshall). 

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     The first full election cycle after Smith v. Allwright were the Congressional Elections of 1946, where Thurmond ran for SC governor. For the first time since Reconstruction, African-Americans hoped to actually be able to vote in the South. The outgoing SC governor responded to a lawsuit from an African-American voter whose ballot was not accepted again (and again the NAACP was involved) by saying that the state would do everything in its power to guarantee White Supremacy in its [Democratic] primaries. The soon-to-be ex-governor said that the [white] citizens of SC would use “necessary methods” to keep the tradition of White Supremacy, and then he stated, “Let the chips fall where they may”; South Carolina whites fully understood what was meant by “necessary methods”. South Carolina judge J. Waties Waring ruled in favor of the African-American plaintiff (no doubt using Smith v. Allwright as precedent), but by the time Waring issued his ruling, the gubernatorial election in SC was over. Thurmond had easily won the Democratic primary, and he won even more handily in the gubernatorial general election. 
     Thurmond and his fellow South Carolina whites knew that the battle over African-American voting rights was just the beginning (African-Americans totalled about 40% of SC’s population). During the Fall of 1948, African-American voter registration in the South increased between 700k and 800k, which horrified and angered Southern whites. Truman, Dewey, and Wallace all pursued African-American voters, while Thurmond and the Dixiecrats (and the South) were stuck in the past, doing their best to find ways to deny African-Americans their right to vote. Thurmond’s campaign as the Dixiecrat Presidential candidate would be a historic “litmus test” of federal vs. state power, of the constitutional rights of African-Americans to vote, and the hold of the Democratic Party in the South . . . 


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