Hoover kept his Presidential ambitions quiet as SecCommerce under Harding, hoping to position himself as the obvious successor, and he was on the short list of Republicans that were polled. However, that was before Harding’s death. With President Calvin Coolidge, the odds of Hoover becoming the Republican nominee in 1924 were virtually nonexistent. Worse than the ascendancy of Coolidge to President was news of the scandals emerging from the Harding administration. The first scandal concerned the Veterans Bureau, and the director was sent to Leavenworth for two years for stealing funds for his personal pleasure that had been designated for veteran hospitals. The second scandal, and to the media far more sensational, involved SecInterior Albert Fall and Teapot Dome. Fall eventually became the first Cabinet official to be imprisoned for committing a crime while on the job. Harding’s Attorney General was in Congressional hearing defending himself on both of those scandals; while he was never convicted, the cloud of suspected crimes shrouded him.
When Harding’s ridiculously expensive and ornate tomb was ready for dedication, the dead President’s name was so toxic that Coolidge didn’t dare attend the ceremony. By then Harding’s personal life had come to light despite his widow’s (Florence) attempts to keep them secret. During the first half of 1924, 11 Senate committees investigated various angles concerning the Harding administration, and the House was just as active. Coolidge initially kept Harding’s Cabinet intact, with every member under fire to some degree, including Hoover, who looked for cover and was very sensitive to the criticisms and charges made against him. Hoover hoped that the Commerce Department would not be drawn into the Teapot Dome Scandal, since his department was at most tangentially involved. Many in DC wanted to know how Hoover didn’t know what was going on with the scandal. The old guard in the Republican Party, never fans of Hoover, joined with the Democrats in trying to implicate him in some scandal from the Harding administration. Fortunately for Hoover, interest in the Harding administration scandals and the dead President’s behavior started to diminish in mid-1924, and he emerged with his reputation intact.
When Harding’s ridiculously expensive and ornate tomb was ready for dedication, the dead President’s name was so toxic that Coolidge didn’t dare attend the ceremony. By then Harding’s personal life had come to light despite his widow’s (Florence) attempts to keep them secret. During the first half of 1924, 11 Senate committees investigated various angles concerning the Harding administration, and the House was just as active. Coolidge initially kept Harding’s Cabinet intact, with every member under fire to some degree, including Hoover, who looked for cover and was very sensitive to the criticisms and charges made against him. Hoover hoped that the Commerce Department would not be drawn into the Teapot Dome Scandal, since his department was at most tangentially involved. Many in DC wanted to know how Hoover didn’t know what was going on with the scandal. The old guard in the Republican Party, never fans of Hoover, joined with the Democrats in trying to implicate him in some scandal from the Harding administration. Fortunately for Hoover, interest in the Harding administration scandals and the dead President’s behavior started to diminish in mid-1924, and he emerged with his reputation intact.
Coolidge proved to be the right President at the right time, at least for the Republicans, surprising most. Coolidge had been so quiet and little-noticed as Vice-President that he had been free of any implications among the Harding scandals. In so many ways he was the antithesis of his predecessor, and as VP he had learned the ways and workings of how DC functioned. VP Coolidge and SecCommerce Hoover had been cordial with each other, and the new President liked Hoover well enough. After Coolidge was sworn in as the 30th President, Hoover became the new President’s best source for information. Coolidge didn’t wait too long to let it be known that he wanted the Republican nomination in 1924, which led to a united Republican Party.
During the 1924 Presidential Campaign, Hoover campaigned hard for Coolidge in CA, which he hoped would lead to being named SecState. Coolidge selected Frank Kellogg, who was the US Ambassador to Britain, as his SecState, and Hoover was offered SecAg, which seemed to be a logical move from Coolidge’s view. Hoover, knowing that SecAg was not the step-up he wanted, and would also be a colossal headache, asked to remain as SecCommerce, and Coolidge readily agreed. Coolidge was Hoover’s third President under which he served since his return to the US in 1917, and the third in which he would forge a good working relationship, which was basically unheard of in the history of DC politics. Hoover continued to interpret the role of Commerce as he saw fit, which was as broadly as possible. Coolidge continued Harding’s habit of including Hoover in other Cabinet matters, and he listened to advice from his Secretary of Commerce.
During the 1924 Presidential Campaign, Hoover campaigned hard for Coolidge in CA, which he hoped would lead to being named SecState. Coolidge selected Frank Kellogg, who was the US Ambassador to Britain, as his SecState, and Hoover was offered SecAg, which seemed to be a logical move from Coolidge’s view. Hoover, knowing that SecAg was not the step-up he wanted, and would also be a colossal headache, asked to remain as SecCommerce, and Coolidge readily agreed. Coolidge was Hoover’s third President under which he served since his return to the US in 1917, and the third in which he would forge a good working relationship, which was basically unheard of in the history of DC politics. Hoover continued to interpret the role of Commerce as he saw fit, which was as broadly as possible. Coolidge continued Harding’s habit of including Hoover in other Cabinet matters, and he listened to advice from his Secretary of Commerce.
While Hoover played a major role in the Coolidge administration, Coolidge was his own President with his own ideas. Coolidge admired aspects of TR’s progressivism while also admiring aspects of Wilson’s idealism. However, overall Coolidge was conservative in terms of the role of the federal government in the lives of Americans. To Coolidge, the role of government was to keep citizens safe from harm, not to do good, and certainly not to spend. Coolidge’s advice to Hoover as far as addressing current challenges and problems was to let them sit, in that 9 times out of 10 things would work out. Hoover thought Coolidge’s laissez-faire attitude was a dangerous approach; if it was true that 9 times out of 10 things worked out, the 10th that didn’t would be a colossal problem since it wasn’t dealt with early.
As valuable as Hoover was to Coolidge, he didn’t have nearly the same status with the President as did
SecTreas Mellon, who became the President’s go-to guy in the Cabinet. It was Mellon’s economic outlook, not Hoover’s, that held sway with Coolidge. Hoover agreed with SecTreas Mellon on tax reduction, free markets, and a responsible and efficient government, but that was about it. Both Hoover and Mellon claimed to have the nation’s best interests at heart in terms of their economic policies, but they were often at odds on the economic front. Added to Hoover’s frustration was that Mellon’s press was every bit as laudatory as had been Hoover’s before, with the SecTreas even being compared to Alexander Hamilton.
SecTreas Mellon’s “Scientific Taxation”, in which the tax rate was reduced in order to actually increase government revenues from taxation, was every bit as detail-oriented as something Hoover would have done. Coolidge and Mellon claimed success even though the “heavy lifting” in terms of getting the process started had occurred during Harding’s Presidency. According to the President and Mellon, “Scientific Taxation” was the main reason why the economy started to expand on virtually every front (actually, the economy itself was expanding for many other reasons, which ensured the success of “Scientific Taxation”). Hoover had to admire that the tax cuts seemed to positively affect the average US citizen, and he took comfort that he played a part in the government actions that led to that success. However, agricultural income fell, and the coal industry was still a mess. Those that lived in cities experienced greater benefits than those that lived in rural areas, and white citizens benefited far more than African-Americans. By the mid-1920s, the gap in income inequality had become the largest in US History at that point.
As valuable as Hoover was to Coolidge, he didn’t have nearly the same status with the President as did
SecTreas Mellon, who became the President’s go-to guy in the Cabinet. It was Mellon’s economic outlook, not Hoover’s, that held sway with Coolidge. Hoover agreed with SecTreas Mellon on tax reduction, free markets, and a responsible and efficient government, but that was about it. Both Hoover and Mellon claimed to have the nation’s best interests at heart in terms of their economic policies, but they were often at odds on the economic front. Added to Hoover’s frustration was that Mellon’s press was every bit as laudatory as had been Hoover’s before, with the SecTreas even being compared to Alexander Hamilton.
SecTreas Mellon’s “Scientific Taxation”, in which the tax rate was reduced in order to actually increase government revenues from taxation, was every bit as detail-oriented as something Hoover would have done. Coolidge and Mellon claimed success even though the “heavy lifting” in terms of getting the process started had occurred during Harding’s Presidency. According to the President and Mellon, “Scientific Taxation” was the main reason why the economy started to expand on virtually every front (actually, the economy itself was expanding for many other reasons, which ensured the success of “Scientific Taxation”). Hoover had to admire that the tax cuts seemed to positively affect the average US citizen, and he took comfort that he played a part in the government actions that led to that success. However, agricultural income fell, and the coal industry was still a mess. Those that lived in cities experienced greater benefits than those that lived in rural areas, and white citizens benefited far more than African-Americans. By the mid-1920s, the gap in income inequality had become the largest in US History at that point.
With Commerce under control, global relief efforts were no longer nearly as daunting, and with 1928 far off on the horizon, Hoover looked to stay busy with some extra time on his hands. For the first time in his life (he was 50 years old), Hoover was as satisfied as he had been in his life, even talking about taking a real vacation. Hoover savored the time from 1925 to the Spring of 1927 more than any other period of his life, in large part because he was able to take extended vacations to such locations as Long Key in FL to fish. Hoover had always loved fishing, and he had become quite an expert angler. But Hoover’s happiness was not necessarily the same thing as a normal person being happy and content. Hoover was perpetually anxious, in large part because he didn’t trust the foundations of the expanding economy. Hoover believed that the sky could fall any minute on the US economy, and he constantly scoured data looking for the smallest indications of trouble. Probably no Cabinet member in history lost more sleep during good economic times than did Hoover.
Hoover was also very worried about post-Great War Europe. Hoover wanted a return to a global Gold Standard, and he worried that the surplus of US gold might lead to an overheated economy. Hoover was also anxious about how the low New York Federal Reserve interest rates might negatively affect the economy. The Secretary of Commerce wanted to see a sobering jolt of higher interest rates to temper the rising frenzy in speculation and loans. Hoover and the Director of Fed Chair had to work indirectly to try and curb the New York Federal Reserve Branch’s influence. The exuberance of Americans was not limited to the stock market and loans, in that real estate was also affected, since property valuations increased tremendously. The New York Federal Reserve Branch finally increased its Discount Rate from 3.5% to 4%, which leveled things off a bit, but the role of the Federal Reserve in the economy remained dangerously unresolved.
Hoover was also very worried about post-Great War Europe. Hoover wanted a return to a global Gold Standard, and he worried that the surplus of US gold might lead to an overheated economy. Hoover was also anxious about how the low New York Federal Reserve interest rates might negatively affect the economy. The Secretary of Commerce wanted to see a sobering jolt of higher interest rates to temper the rising frenzy in speculation and loans. Hoover and the Director of Fed Chair had to work indirectly to try and curb the New York Federal Reserve Branch’s influence. The exuberance of Americans was not limited to the stock market and loans, in that real estate was also affected, since property valuations increased tremendously. The New York Federal Reserve Branch finally increased its Discount Rate from 3.5% to 4%, which leveled things off a bit, but the role of the Federal Reserve in the economy remained dangerously unresolved.
Hoover stayed loyal to President Coolidge until the Congressional Elections of 1926 approached, at which point with intimates he voiced misgivings. Hoover started to wonder out loud if he should resign as SecCommerce, and put some political distance between him and Coolidge for 1928. After the Congressional Elections in 1926, Hoover’s ambition became an issue within the Coolidge administration. But Hoover kept raising his profile for a potential Republican nomination in 1928. Hoover, as well as other potential candidates with the GOP, became very frustrated with Coolidge’s silence as to whether he would run again in 1928.
During the Spring of 1927 it started to rain very hard for a long period of time in the Mississippi River Basin, and President Coolidge would need Herbert Hoover more than ever before. The Mississippi River Basin drains 40% of the US mainland, and very heavy snows and rain in the Winter/Spring of 1926-27 caused flood conditions upriver as far north as Cairo (IL) on 1 January 1927. More precipitation fell during February and March 1927, and by April the levees were under enormous pressure, and major tributaries such as the Missouri River had already flooded. A million acres were already under water, and the rain kept falling. The system of clay and concrete levees which existed due to 50+ years of $200+ million by Congress stood three feet above the highest flood line in every bank, but they would prove to be no match for what was coming.
On 15 April 1927 (Good Friday), the levees began to break on the Missouri River, and six days later on the Mississippi River, from St. Louis to New Orleans. The Mississippi River was on a rampage, and six governors begged President Coolidge for federal assistance, specifically asking for Hoover to lead the rescue effort. However, Coolidge remained silent, following the precedent that weather disasters were a state problem, not a federal problem. Coolidge believed that the flooding of the Mississippi River was one of those 9 of 10 problems that would solve itself on its own.
During the Spring of 1927 it started to rain very hard for a long period of time in the Mississippi River Basin, and President Coolidge would need Herbert Hoover more than ever before. The Mississippi River Basin drains 40% of the US mainland, and very heavy snows and rain in the Winter/Spring of 1926-27 caused flood conditions upriver as far north as Cairo (IL) on 1 January 1927. More precipitation fell during February and March 1927, and by April the levees were under enormous pressure, and major tributaries such as the Missouri River had already flooded. A million acres were already under water, and the rain kept falling. The system of clay and concrete levees which existed due to 50+ years of $200+ million by Congress stood three feet above the highest flood line in every bank, but they would prove to be no match for what was coming.
On 15 April 1927 (Good Friday), the levees began to break on the Missouri River, and six days later on the Mississippi River, from St. Louis to New Orleans. The Mississippi River was on a rampage, and six governors begged President Coolidge for federal assistance, specifically asking for Hoover to lead the rescue effort. However, Coolidge remained silent, following the precedent that weather disasters were a state problem, not a federal problem. Coolidge believed that the flooding of the Mississippi River was one of those 9 of 10 problems that would solve itself on its own.
However, the repeated breaking of the levees in the Mississippi River forced Cooidge’s hand, with 300 citizens killed and one million citizens homeless. On 22 April 1927, Coolidge appointed Hoover to chair a special Cabinet committee to relieve the affected areas. Hoover was once again at the center of attention, and he would again dominate the public’s focus while at the same time getting the job done. Even though it had been six years since Hoover had dealt with a large-scale emergency situation, his skills were intact, and he was in Memphis (TN) the next day. Hoover opened transportation and communication corridors to the region, and he had two homicide detectives from Memphis bring to him anyone he needed or wanted.
Hoover put sawmills to work building boats, assembling a fleet of boats/barges that numbered over 800. Hoover enlisted the help of thousands of volunteers, and US soldiers saved stranded victims, while also shepherding those that were homeless (most of whom were African-American) to shelters on higher ground that had been built by the American Red Cross under Hoover’s direction. Over 150 kerosene-lit tent cities sprouted up, all with water and sewer lines, as well as electricity, some accommodating as many as 20k affected citizens. Coolidge gave Hoover access to all federal resources except additional federal money, so he had to also focus on fundraising, using the press to drum up publicity for donations. Articles and newsreels showed Hoover in the midst of the disaster, working to provide assistance. Hoover used the disaster to politically separate himself from Coolidge and his austere approach to relief. Apart from the flood itself, Hoover was the star of the show, and he succeeded in making it appear that his service was not connected to any Presidential ambition.
Hoover put sawmills to work building boats, assembling a fleet of boats/barges that numbered over 800. Hoover enlisted the help of thousands of volunteers, and US soldiers saved stranded victims, while also shepherding those that were homeless (most of whom were African-American) to shelters on higher ground that had been built by the American Red Cross under Hoover’s direction. Over 150 kerosene-lit tent cities sprouted up, all with water and sewer lines, as well as electricity, some accommodating as many as 20k affected citizens. Coolidge gave Hoover access to all federal resources except additional federal money, so he had to also focus on fundraising, using the press to drum up publicity for donations. Articles and newsreels showed Hoover in the midst of the disaster, working to provide assistance. Hoover used the disaster to politically separate himself from Coolidge and his austere approach to relief. Apart from the flood itself, Hoover was the star of the show, and he succeeded in making it appear that his service was not connected to any Presidential ambition.
On 30 April 1927, Hoover gave a national radio address, the first national level politician to speak to the nation on the radio during a national emergency. On the NBC Radio Network, Hoover appealed to his fellow Americans to donate to the Red Cross. While his radio address was replete with facts and figures, Hoover was also able to appeal to the heart. Hoover had predicted that radio could be used as a political tool in order to mobilize the country into action. His radio address led to $17m in donations, four times more than expected.
When the nightmare flood started to recede after two months, the press remained in awe of Hoover. Those that had worked with him marveled at how tirelessly Hoover had worked, hat he had not left the affected areas, and that he slept in the same tents as others. Coolidge was publicly gracious in his praise for Hoover, and the President invited his SecCommerce to the Black Hills where he had set up his “Summer White House". Hoover had been as omnipresent as Coolidge had been invisible, and those close to Coolidge thought that the President would not have been too disappointed if Hoover had somehow fallen into the swollen Mississippi River and disappeared forever.
When the nightmare flood started to recede after two months, the press remained in awe of Hoover. Those that had worked with him marveled at how tirelessly Hoover had worked, hat he had not left the affected areas, and that he slept in the same tents as others. Coolidge was publicly gracious in his praise for Hoover, and the President invited his SecCommerce to the Black Hills where he had set up his “Summer White House". Hoover had been as omnipresent as Coolidge had been invisible, and those close to Coolidge thought that the President would not have been too disappointed if Hoover had somehow fallen into the swollen Mississippi River and disappeared forever.