Source: Joseph J. Ellis. Founding Brothers - The Revolutionary Generation (2000)
From early-1801 to late-1810, John Adams was at his farm stewing and lamenting the elevated mythological status of seemingly every figure of the Revolutionary Era except for him. Adams was especially piqued over the star status that had been conveyed upon Thomas Jefferson, whom Adams saw as a junior partner during the Revolutionary War. Benjamin Rush, a close friend of Adams, exchanged many letters in the first decade of the century with the former President. Rush did his best to get Adams and Jefferson to renew their correspondence. Adams broke the silence with a short letter to Jefferson dated 1 January 1811; by then, Adams’ never-ending vanity was under enough control for him to reach out. That first letter by Adams led to 158 letters between the two men over the next 14 years; that correspondence renewed their friendship.
What motivated Adams to write that initial letter, and then write twice as many to Jefferson as Jefferson wrote to him? Adams believed that Jefferson’s version of what the Revolution meant, though misguided, would dominate history. Adams knew that his letters to Jefferson would afford him the ability to get his version on the historical record. Both men knew they were writing letters for posterity as well as to each other. Second, Adams’ letters to Jefferson meant that he could join Jefferson as the co-star of the Revolution in a “Final Act”, which just might elevate Adams’ status/mythology and be his ticket to historical immortality. Adding to the historical luster of these letters was that both men died within five hours of each other on 4 July 1826 on the 50th anniversary of the young nation.
What motivated Adams to write that initial letter, and then write twice as many to Jefferson as Jefferson wrote to him? Adams believed that Jefferson’s version of what the Revolution meant, though misguided, would dominate history. Adams knew that his letters to Jefferson would afford him the ability to get his version on the historical record. Both men knew they were writing letters for posterity as well as to each other. Second, Adams’ letters to Jefferson meant that he could join Jefferson as the co-star of the Revolution in a “Final Act”, which just might elevate Adams’ status/mythology and be his ticket to historical immortality. Adding to the historical luster of these letters was that both men died within five hours of each other on 4 July 1826 on the 50th anniversary of the young nation.
Most of their letters were over safe subjects that both could write voluminously. Readers of the letters may be surprised that Adams held his own with Jefferson in terms of prose/style, in part because Adams was more heavily invested in the correspondence than Jefferson (Adams’ more aggressive exclamatory temperament also came through). One can almost visualize Jefferson, lean and standing tall waxing eloquent, while the shorter rotund Adams circled around him, pointing/gesturing and occasionally grabbing his friend by the lapels to make a point. During the first few years of their correspondence, Adams did fly off the handle somewhat, for example lamenting the overall downsizing of the US Navy before the War of 1812 under Jefferson’s watch. Jefferson was very shrewd in that in at least one letter he blamed the Hamiltonians for the rupture between the two men. In other letters, Jefferson hinted that it wasn’t the fault of Adams that he had been caught in the crossfire between the two political parties. Jefferson knew, then and during their correspondence, that Adams was not a “real” Federalist; again and again, it was Jefferson that diffused Adams’ criticisms during their correspondence.
In 1813, the letters changed tone, in that they became more focused on their competing versions of what the Revolution meant plus their historical legacies, and in the process, mutual trust between the two had been recovered, which opened up their dialog even further. On 15 July 1813, Abigail Adams attached a note of her own to her husband’s letter; it was the first time she had written Jefferson since she had really let him have it years prior. That attached note was the surest sign possible to Jefferson that he had been truly forgiven by both Adams. John Adams typically set the intellectual agenda for the correspondence, while Jefferson preferred to provide the larger framework for their debate to play out. Jefferson wrote that they had fought together against the British, served together in Europe as the dynamic duo of diplomats, then returned to serve their nation again in the new federal government.
In 1813, the letters changed tone, in that they became more focused on their competing versions of what the Revolution meant plus their historical legacies, and in the process, mutual trust between the two had been recovered, which opened up their dialog even further. On 15 July 1813, Abigail Adams attached a note of her own to her husband’s letter; it was the first time she had written Jefferson since she had really let him have it years prior. That attached note was the surest sign possible to Jefferson that he had been truly forgiven by both Adams. John Adams typically set the intellectual agenda for the correspondence, while Jefferson preferred to provide the larger framework for their debate to play out. Jefferson wrote that they had fought together against the British, served together in Europe as the dynamic duo of diplomats, then returned to serve their nation again in the new federal government.
Jefferson saw the world in terms of clashing dichotomies, and due to the correspondence, Adams found himself on the same side as Jefferson, which he knew would be historically appealing. To Jefferson, the Federalists had been the “New Tories in Town”, and Jefferson knew (and now appreciated) that Adams had stood up to the Federalists on his own volition. By 1813, Adams finally had a venue/target in which to focus his immense firepower in writing to Jefferson. For Jefferson, the episodic ramblings of Adams fit perfectly with his temperament during those years in that he loved to revisit topics in no particular order, which allowed for a thematic overview.
From 1813 into 1814, the running argument in their letters focused on their different definitions of social equality and the role of the Elites in running the federal government. Adams was all-in on the “few” not only having the power, but those “few” (Elites) were the only ones that were deserving and that could be trusted. Jefferson’s point of view was that the Elites have a leading role, but it should be based on merit, not inherited as in an aristocracy. Ironically during their estranged years, Adams, the son of a New England farmer/shoe maker had been accused of having aristocratic leanings by Jefferson, who owned 10,000 acres and 200+ slaves, most of which he inherited. In his letters, Adams was more than happy to include Jefferson as a member of what he called the “natural aristocracy” of the Revolution.
From 1813 into 1814, the running argument in their letters focused on their different definitions of social equality and the role of the Elites in running the federal government. Adams was all-in on the “few” not only having the power, but those “few” (Elites) were the only ones that were deserving and that could be trusted. Jefferson’s point of view was that the Elites have a leading role, but it should be based on merit, not inherited as in an aristocracy. Ironically during their estranged years, Adams, the son of a New England farmer/shoe maker had been accused of having aristocratic leanings by Jefferson, who owned 10,000 acres and 200+ slaves, most of which he inherited. In his letters, Adams was more than happy to include Jefferson as a member of what he called the “natural aristocracy” of the Revolution.
Jefferson understood, where Adams did not, that the very word aristocracy was a four letter word in the US during/after the Revolutionary War in that to most it meant a violation of the war’s sacred principles. Jefferson also understood that the only Elites that would be tolerated by the people were those that repudiated aristocracy (Elitism) while claiming to speak for the masses. Jefferson and James Madison and the Republicans grasped that fact in the 1790s, and shrewdly used it against the Federalists. The Federalists, no more-or-less elite than the Republicans, simply didn’t grasp that concept/trend, and they went down the road to political ruin. As long as Adams clung to the word “aristocracy”, to many Americans he seemed to be denying a major principle of the Revolution.
Starting in 1815, Adams and Jefferson added their views on the French Revolution to their correspondence. Ironically, it was Jefferson that first brought up the subject, and did so in conciliatory fashion, telling Adams that his prophecies on France proved better than his. Jefferson also acknowledged that Adams’ critical view of the French Revolution had been the major cause of his unpopularity as President (it was the nicest possible way to tell Adams that he had been historically correct, but not politically correct). Now that Napoleon had been defeated, Jefferson graciously admitted that Adams was owed an (historical) apology. It may not look like much today, but to those from the Revolutionary War Era, Jefferson’s admission was not only a huge reversal of perspective, but he also admitted that he was wrong on something he and the Republicans had been all-in on in the 1790s. In effect, Jefferson admitted to Adams that he had used the French Revolution as a political weapon to undermine Adams’ Presidency. Adams was gracious in his response, writing that Jefferson had simply misread the French Revolution instead of manipulating it for political advantage.
Starting in 1815, Adams and Jefferson added their views on the French Revolution to their correspondence. Ironically, it was Jefferson that first brought up the subject, and did so in conciliatory fashion, telling Adams that his prophecies on France proved better than his. Jefferson also acknowledged that Adams’ critical view of the French Revolution had been the major cause of his unpopularity as President (it was the nicest possible way to tell Adams that he had been historically correct, but not politically correct). Now that Napoleon had been defeated, Jefferson graciously admitted that Adams was owed an (historical) apology. It may not look like much today, but to those from the Revolutionary War Era, Jefferson’s admission was not only a huge reversal of perspective, but he also admitted that he was wrong on something he and the Republicans had been all-in on in the 1790s. In effect, Jefferson admitted to Adams that he had used the French Revolution as a political weapon to undermine Adams’ Presidency. Adams was gracious in his response, writing that Jefferson had simply misread the French Revolution instead of manipulating it for political advantage.
It wasn’t until the debate over the “Missouri Question” in 1819 that slavery became part of their letters (they had agreed beforehand to not broach the subject). Adams was the calmer of the two on the topic compared to Jefferson, which was not surprising. Jefferson couldn’t believe that the issue was even being debated in Congress . . . Jefferson knew that the constitutional argument over the authority of the federal government on slavery was a potential powderkeg for the nation. Adams wrote to others that he was glad that the debate on the expansion of slavery was taking place. Down the road, Jefferson’s position would be recognized as Popular Sovereignty, while Adams’ position would be recognized as a “House Divided Cannot Stand”. Nationwide, applying the tenets of the Revolution to slavery only led to contradictory intentions and perspectives.
The tradition established in Congress in 1790 (spearheaded by James Madison) concerning the debate on slavery was that of silence and avoidance, and that was what Jefferson thought should continue in 1819 - 1820. Adams kept his vow of silence concerning the debate on slavery in his letters with Jefferson, letting Jefferson rant on the topic on his own terms. In 1820, their correspondence shifted back to focusing on nostalgia; it still bothered Adams that 4 July 1776 had become THE seminal Revolutionary moment. Adams knew full well that it had been a culmination of moments, such as in 15 May 1776 when the Continental Congress called for each state to write their own constitutions (of course Adams had drafted and submitted that resolution. Abigail died in October 1818, and the process of aging crowded out the likelihood of any controversial topics being brought up by either men (By 1823, references to the scandals of the 1790s had become the basis for jokes between the two). In 1824 - 1825, When Lafayette made his triumphant tour of America (the future 6th President, Adams’ son John Quincy Adams, had been among those responsible for making Lafayette’s tour happen), Quincy, Massachusetts and Monticello were required stops for Lafayette, who whose presence further solidified the historical status of John Adams as a major Revolutionary figure in the eyes of Americans in the mid-1820s.
The tradition established in Congress in 1790 (spearheaded by James Madison) concerning the debate on slavery was that of silence and avoidance, and that was what Jefferson thought should continue in 1819 - 1820. Adams kept his vow of silence concerning the debate on slavery in his letters with Jefferson, letting Jefferson rant on the topic on his own terms. In 1820, their correspondence shifted back to focusing on nostalgia; it still bothered Adams that 4 July 1776 had become THE seminal Revolutionary moment. Adams knew full well that it had been a culmination of moments, such as in 15 May 1776 when the Continental Congress called for each state to write their own constitutions (of course Adams had drafted and submitted that resolution. Abigail died in October 1818, and the process of aging crowded out the likelihood of any controversial topics being brought up by either men (By 1823, references to the scandals of the 1790s had become the basis for jokes between the two). In 1824 - 1825, When Lafayette made his triumphant tour of America (the future 6th President, Adams’ son John Quincy Adams, had been among those responsible for making Lafayette’s tour happen), Quincy, Massachusetts and Monticello were required stops for Lafayette, who whose presence further solidified the historical status of John Adams as a major Revolutionary figure in the eyes of Americans in the mid-1820s.