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The Election of 1960: Nixon vs. Kennedy, Part One

3/13/2020

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                   Source: John A. Farrell. Richard Nixon - The Life (2017)
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     The campaign of 1960 was Nixon’s fifth in nine years (1952, 1954, 1956, and 1958). Conventional wisdom had the Election of 1960 being a barn-burner like Truman vs. Dewey in 1948. Nixon’s most appealing attribute was experience, yet he was only 47 years old (JFK was 43), and the increased tensions from the U-2 Incident to many meant that Nixon’s seasoned leadership was necessary.  However, America was slowly approaching the brink of major political and social change, and to an increasing number of Americans, Nixon represented the past, while John Kennedy seemingly represented the future. 
     JFK kept using and touting the word “change”, and Nixon was largely forced to go with the status quo that was associated with President Eisenhower. Complicating matters for Nixon was that there were only 14 Republican governors, which meant that the state political machinery in the other 36 states were in the hands of the Democrats; no Republican candidate for President had faced that particular obstacle since the FDR era.  The Republican Party remained pro-business, and that didn’t resonate particularly well with working class families. The Democrats had a 3 : 2 advantage in registered voters, which would make a huge impact at the grassroots level in favor of the Democrats. Added to the mix, the Sun Belt was growing in importance in terms of the Electoral College (e.g. Texas and California), but the Rust Belt still mostly held sway with states such as Illinois, Pennsylvania, Ohio, New York, and Michigan.

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    While Nixon didn’t have to worry about a challenger for the Republican nomination, JFK kept getting headlines since he was in a series of competitive primaries, with LBJ lurking in the background. In the end, both Nixon and JFK garnered their nominations on the first ballot. During the Campaign of 1960, JFK received the kind of breaks from which Nixon had benefited against Voorhis (1946) and Gahagan Douglas (1950). Political and physical disaster struck Nixon when he was in the hospital for twelve days after banging his knee on a car door and getting a staph infection (Nixon was a colossal klutz). 
     It was during his stay in the hospital that Nixon agreed to the first-ever televised debates with JFK. The economy was not in Nixon’s favor, and Ike et al were content to finish out their time in the White House sitting on the sidelines, not trying to do much at all to boost the economy in an election year. In the last weeks before the election, 450,000 jobs were lost; Nixon saw the lack of government spending (to try and minimize the economic downturn) as just plain stupid politics in an election year.

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     The general campaign played out in stages, with the month of August being a draw since Nixon was hospitalized and JFK was still working in the Senate. September 1960 marked JFK’s confrontation with Houston Protestant ministers which was covered by the media. JFK and RFK (his campaign manager), took clips from the showdown, edited them to their liking, and made sure they played all over the television dial. In the end, Nixon only received 22% of the Catholic vote, at the time a record low for a Republican Presidential candidate. 
     Making everything worse for Nixon was his decision to be his own campaign manager. Nixon’s decision was driven in large part by his desire to receive all the credit for winning the Presidency, and also to shove his victory right up Ike’s nose (that decision also provided the opening for H.R. Haldeman to enter the Nixon's Circle of Trust). As Nixon became mired in details as his own campaign manager, his campaign of course suffered as a result. Nixon claimed that he couldn’t delegate campaign responsibilities since he didn’t have people with the necessary expertise to do so. Nixon would pay a dear price for no longer having Murray Chotiner in his circle; there would have been no doubt that Chotiner would have confronted Nixon about his decision-making. 
     Nixon chose to constantly meddle in the minutiae of the workings of his campaign, constantly striving to keep control . . . and therefore the future credit. As a result of losing himself in the campaign’s details, Nixon didn’t do a good job communicating who he was or what he wanted to accomplish as President, and it started to show in the campaign for all to see. Nixon’s constant apprehensiveness led to a public perception that the Republican nominee vacillated, was weak, and timid.

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     The first-ever televised debates between Presidential candidates occurred in Chicago on 26 September 1960. By 1950, 11% of Americans had a television, but by 1960, 88% had a TV. The audience for the first debate was between 70 and 80 million in a nation with a population of 107 million adults. During that first debate, both Nixon and JFK displayed knowledge and command of the debate topic, which was domestic affairs. 
      However, as television had saved Nixon’s political career with his “Checkers Speech” in 1952, television turned on Nixon during this first debate. Nixon simply looked awful on television during the first debate, and there were reasons. Nixon’s frenetic campaign schedule that he organized had left him exhausted and unprepared. Nixon spurned makeup, thinking it would make him look feminine instead of masculine. Nixon came off poorly when the camera was on him when he wasn’t talking (another of the shenanigans arranged by the Kennedy campaign). Nixon was still recovering health-wise, and sure enough, the klutzy Nixon banged the very same knee on a car door while heading into the studio for the debate. All that being said, that televised debacle didn’t lose the election for Nixon, but he certainly didn’t help himself out at all that evening.

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    The significance of the first debate was that millions of Americans concluded that JFK was Nixon’s equal, and it was from that new starting point that the general campaign continued. JFK went into the four televised debates with nothing to lose, and Nixon went in with much to lose.  The last televised debate was on 21 October 1960, and afterwards Gallup showed a slight lead for JFK, and a fawning media predicted a landslide. Nixon campaigned like a berserker in the last two weeks, and the Republican Party rallied around him, with Ike finally chiming it at last. JFK was very worried that he would lose the election which was his for the taking  just like Dewey in 1948. 
    Nixon almost certainly would have won if he had made a phone call. Neither candidate wanted to alienate voters in the South (not counting TX, there was a bloc of 104 Electoral Votes in the South). At the same time, neither candidate wanted to alienate voters in the North, which had far more Electoral Votes. Nixon’s track record on Civil Rights was stellar and unmatched by any other major Republican over the last several years (and very few liberal Democrats), and Nixon figured that he would win at least one-third of the African-American vote. Also, Nixon had MLK, Jr. and Jackie Robinson in his corner, which could only help adding votes in a tight election.

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VP Nixon's Pursuit of the GOP Nomination in 1960, Part Two

3/1/2020

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                  Source: John A. Farrell. Richard Nixon - The Life (2017)
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    The USSR and the US had agreed to host “World’s Fair” style exhibitions of each nation’s cultural and scientific achievements. Very high-ranking USSR officials attended the Soviet exhibition in New York City in the Summer of 1959, and Vice-President Nixon was sent to Moscow to be the American official for the US exhibition. Ike gave Nixon no authority to negotiate (Khrushchev had recently met with such high-ranking US politicians as Senator Hubert Humphrey), but to Nixon, it was an opportunity to appear Presidential. What worked in Nixon’s favor was a series of strange circumstances that provided high drama and comic opera. 
     Khrushchev was a proud, insecure, and emotional man, and his unpredictability was designed to keep the US simultaneously on edge in many spots around the globe, which included the US exhibition in Moscow. Eventually Nixon and Khrushchev were taken to the color television exhibit by a young TV executive, and quite by accident, Nixon had a great opportunity while Khrushchev hammed it up for the Russians in attendance; Nixon’s focus was on the global audience. Khrushchev mockingly waved bye-bye to Capitalism, and Nixon didn’t have any direction from Ike to fall back on in that instance, other than he was there to cut ribbons, not to get into a political brawl.

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     Nixon understood that his reputation he had cultivated over the years of being a tough negotiator with the USSR was about to be ruined. While Nixon held his own with Khrushchev in front of the color television exhibit, he felt like he had been clobbered. And when their roving “discussion” meandered in front of a kitchen exhibit, Nixon didn’t do that much better in dealing with Khrushchev, as far as he was concerned. However, the US media in tow portrayed the encounter in front of the kitchen exhibit as a resounding victory for Nixon, with photographs sealing the verdict. One photograph in particular showed Nixon pointing his right index finger on Khrushchev’s chest while making a point during their “discussion”. Nixon had no idea that in the eyes of the US media, he had won the “Kitchen Debate” (Nixon truly felt he had not done very well at all). 
     The next day, Khrushchev took Nixon boating on the Moscow River, and they stopped every now-and-then to mingle with the crowds. During his time with Khrushchev, he concluded that the Soviet Premier’s temper was his servant, not his master. Khrushchev, meanwhile, concluded that Nixon’s political skills were such that he made it his goal (and it became the USSR’s goal when he was no longer the Soviet Premier), to do what he could to keep Nixon from being elected President. Nixon was taken for a grand tour of the USSR, which included Leningrad and the Urals. Nixon was also given 30 minutes on Soviet television to address the Russian people. Nixon resisted the urge to be combative/vindictive during his televised address, knowing that hecklers had been placed in the crowd by Khrushchev to try and get him worked up.

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     When Nixon returned to the US, he had established serious bona fides in foreign relations, in that Nixon was the first major politician from the Western nations that stood up to Khrushchev. Rockefeller was jealous of Nixon’s success, so much so that Ike felt the need to play puppet master / peacemaker. Ike suggested that Rockefeller take the Vice-Presidential slot, and then he suggested to Nixon that he publicly promise to only serve one term, and then support Rockefeller in 1964. The Eastern media and elites adored Rockefeller, and his political organization was even more impressive than that of the Kennedys. 
     Rockefeller “tested the waters”, and during Christmas Break in 1959,  he announced his withdrawal as a candidate for the Republican nomination (he would do the exact same thing in 1968). It had finally dawned on Rockefeller that Nixon had a monstrous six year head start as Vice-President in terms of building political capital within the Republican Party as well as with voters. Rockefeller needed to soundly defeat Nixon in the Republican primaries to gather momentum for the convention, and when Rockefeller decided that wasn’t in the cards, he quit. The result of Rockefeller’s decision was that Nixon didn’t have any serious rivals for the GOP nomination. The growing conservative wing of the Republican Party had their man ready to go, Senator Barry Goldwater (AZ), but the conservatives weren’t organized or numerous enough to make an impact in 1960 (but they certainly would in 1964).

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    There was serious competition for the Democratic nomination, but JFK (with RFK as his campaign manager) had by far the best organized and hardest-working campaign machine in the primaries, as well as with the traditional political Inside Game. LBJ assumed that he could point to his outstanding legislative record and win the nomination in a brokered convention, but JFK secured the nomination on the first ballot. 
     LBJ surprised most everyone when he accepted the VP slot; Nixon knew that was bad news for him, since he had planned on “stealing” Texas and other Southern states as had Ike. LBJ’s main patron within the Democrats was Speaker Sam Rayburn, who still loathed Nixon for his “traitor” comments years ago that were directed at him and President Truman. What Nixon needed was for Rockefeller to do for the Republicans what LBJ did for the Democrats, but Rockefeller, unlike LBJ, could not act for the good of the party, but only for himself. 
     The U-2 Incident on 1 May 1960 was a setback for Nixon, in that it gave JFK’s clamor for “change” additional momentum and credence. And (the diva) Rockefeller had a change of heart, announcing that he was back in the race for the Republican nomination. Rockefeller’s strategy (hope) was to stampede delegates into his corral using the Inside Game (which had been LBJ’s strategy), but his plan went nowhere fast. All Rockefeller succeeded in accomplishing was that he spent all his political capital which he needed to maintain and build upon for 1964 (the result was predictable/logical, since Rockefeller was only concerned about himself, not his party).

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   Rockefeller issued some demands to Nixon on the eve of the Republican National Convention, including more military spending, something that Ike didn’t want. Goldwater and the conservatives were alarmed that Nixon would even entertain a hint of a suggestion from the liberal Rockefeller. In the end, Goldwater remained classy, and he refused to split the Republican Party over the matter, and he wholeheartedly endorsed Nixon. After garnering the GOP nomination, Nixon named Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. as his VP (Lodge was the Senator that JFK defeated in an upset in 1952). 
   Just before Labor Day as the General Campaign started, Nixon was again a victim of Ike’s thoughtlessness. When asked by a reporter if Vice-President Nixon had made an important contribution to the Eisenhower Presidency (Nixon’s list of accomplishments as VP was very long indeed), Ike stated that if he had a week, he could probably come up with one. It was a painful rejection by a still-popular President, and a fresh round of discord started between Ike and his insecure Vice-President. Ike never deliberately snubbed Nixon, but Nixon could never be convinced of that fact.

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