Source: Stuart Eizenstat. President Carter - The White House Years (2018)
To Hamilton Jordan, Caddell’s memo contained far too much goofy stuff, such as President Carter should drop in on average families without telling the Secret Service, and he believed that the memo would be ignored. But by then Caddell had in essence become Carter’s Rasputin, and he was there to stay for better and for worse. The Carter administration was so compartmentalized that few were aware that Caddell had sent a draft of his own proposed speech on the crisis of confidence and an updated 107 page memo; nor did Caddell have any idea that Carter would cancel his energy speech and follow the pollster’s lead.
Caddell wanted to foment a sort of revolution, and he was in despair after sending Carter the drafted speech and updated memo, not knowing that Carter had read both on 4 July 1979 and had taken them with him to Camp David. Caddell also had no idea (yet) that Carter thought his arguments and observations were brilliant. Carter in short order let it be known that he was not going to give another energy speech, but rather focus on Caddell’s draft/memo, even though his energy speech had been scheduled on the networks for the next day. Carter told his staff to cancel the speech, but didn’t give anyone a reason why. Carter had decided to gamble his Presidency on Caddell’s totally unproven thesis that the US was going through a crisis of confidence and his grandiose solution of transformative leadership.
Caddell wanted to foment a sort of revolution, and he was in despair after sending Carter the drafted speech and updated memo, not knowing that Carter had read both on 4 July 1979 and had taken them with him to Camp David. Caddell also had no idea (yet) that Carter thought his arguments and observations were brilliant. Carter in short order let it be known that he was not going to give another energy speech, but rather focus on Caddell’s draft/memo, even though his energy speech had been scheduled on the networks for the next day. Carter told his staff to cancel the speech, but didn’t give anyone a reason why. Carter had decided to gamble his Presidency on Caddell’s totally unproven thesis that the US was going through a crisis of confidence and his grandiose solution of transformative leadership.
Carter and Rosalynn decided to bring to Camp David experts from all walks of life to advise him on how to improve his standing among the American people. Then, after those many meetings, Carter decided that he would give a speech afterwards, a very different speech in which Carter already felt re-energized and more confident. Carter instructed Caddell to distribute his draft and memo to the senior staff, and amazingly it was the first time any of the administration’s top officials had seen the draft/memo. All were stunned that Caddell had gone around them and that Carter was acting unilaterally based on Caddell’s advice . . . if Caddell wanted to create an air of mystery, he succeeded.
While Carter et al were at Camp David, the dollar dropped like a rock, gold was being purchased at record rates by regular citizens driving up the price per ounce; Carter was unreachable when he needed to be available to calm financial markets. Carter’s approval rating had plummeted to 26% a week after he canceled his energy speech. Finally, it dawned on the 29 year old Caddell that his advice was being followed by the President, and it terrified him to know that he might be at least partially responsible for some not-very-nice developments as a result. VP Mondale wondered out loud how a 29 year old wunderkind from the Ivory Tower could get Carter to drink his Kool Aid. Mondale referred to Carter as a domestic recluse, and that as President he needed to get out and actually interact and talk to the American people.
While Carter et al were at Camp David, the dollar dropped like a rock, gold was being purchased at record rates by regular citizens driving up the price per ounce; Carter was unreachable when he needed to be available to calm financial markets. Carter’s approval rating had plummeted to 26% a week after he canceled his energy speech. Finally, it dawned on the 29 year old Caddell that his advice was being followed by the President, and it terrified him to know that he might be at least partially responsible for some not-very-nice developments as a result. VP Mondale wondered out loud how a 29 year old wunderkind from the Ivory Tower could get Carter to drink his Kool Aid. Mondale referred to Carter as a domestic recluse, and that as President he needed to get out and actually interact and talk to the American people.
Caddell seemingly lived in a fantasy world where the President didn’t actually have to govern, didn’t have to dive into the political muck that was DC and special interests and foreign policy and compromise. Mondale was to the point that if Carter gave the speech and blamed the American people as had Caddell in his draft/memo instead of his administration, it would mean the end of any chance Carter had to be taken seriously as President, much less win re-election in 1980. On 5 July 1979, Carter summoned Mondale, Caddell, and other top administration officials to Camp David for a summit; it would be the most ferocious and politically violent meeting of Carter’s Presidency within his administration. Most everyone at the meeting was in agreement with Caddell except Mondale and Eizenstat. Carter stated that he wanted to remain at Camp David to analyze where the administration was, and then ask for opinions.
Some accused Carter of becoming a DC insider, which was not true in any stretch of the imagination since Carter went out of his way to have as little contact with the DC Elites as possible. Caddell had his turn, and eyes ablaze like Rasputin in a seance, he rehashed all his arguments for why Carter should do what he suggested. Mondale turned on Caddell, and even the President, telling them to their faces that it was a bad move to blame the people for what’s going on when the people wanted answers. Mondale was very specific with Carter, mentioning the President’s political shortcomings, and Mondale was even more merciless with Caddell, telling him that his polling/research were seriously flawed and influenced far too much by the world of academia, not reality.
Some accused Carter of becoming a DC insider, which was not true in any stretch of the imagination since Carter went out of his way to have as little contact with the DC Elites as possible. Caddell had his turn, and eyes ablaze like Rasputin in a seance, he rehashed all his arguments for why Carter should do what he suggested. Mondale turned on Caddell, and even the President, telling them to their faces that it was a bad move to blame the people for what’s going on when the people wanted answers. Mondale was very specific with Carter, mentioning the President’s political shortcomings, and Mondale was even more merciless with Caddell, telling him that his polling/research were seriously flawed and influenced far too much by the world of academia, not reality.
Carter told those at the meeting that he was going with Caddell’s prescription 100%, and that he was going to spend at least a week at Camp David to meet with as many relevant people as possible to find solutions to America’s domestic problems. Carter believed that the US was not poorly-off in terms of its standard of living, but the nation was struggling in moral and spiritual terms. Carter shrugged off comments that Caddell’s drafted speech was too negative concerning ordinary Americans. Eizenstat fashioned a compromise that was accepted in that Caddell’s rhetoric needed to be toned down so Carter wasn’t blaming the people, but instead take responsibility as President. Also, Eizenstat convinced Carter to end his speech focusing on the energy crisis. Even so, Mondale was inconsolable, and by then almost those in the senior staff of the administration had definitely had enough of Caddell.
So the question was now who to invite to Camp David, and what was called a Domestic Summit became a political circus. Friday was reserved for Democratic Governors, and Saturday was for the “Wise Men”, such as Clark Clifford. Sunday was for energy experts, and on Monday economists were scheduled in the morning and human rights activists in the afternoon/evening. On Tuesday were to be Congressional leaders and on Wednesday Labor leaders, and then to close, mayors and county officials. On Saturday, Carter wanted to work on finalizing the speech that he would give to the nation on Sunday.
So the question was now who to invite to Camp David, and what was called a Domestic Summit became a political circus. Friday was reserved for Democratic Governors, and Saturday was for the “Wise Men”, such as Clark Clifford. Sunday was for energy experts, and on Monday economists were scheduled in the morning and human rights activists in the afternoon/evening. On Tuesday were to be Congressional leaders and on Wednesday Labor leaders, and then to close, mayors and county officials. On Saturday, Carter wanted to work on finalizing the speech that he would give to the nation on Sunday.
Carter got more than he bargained for when he invited outsiders to unload on him, often hearing that his “Georgia Mafia’ was far too inexperienced for the job and that a real Washington, D.C. insider needed to be brought on board . . . Carter ignored that advice. Among the governors was Bill Clinton, the 32 year old first term governor of Arkansas, who was by far more upbeat than any other governor at Camp David. Ironically, Carter met with ordinary Americans at Camp David per Caddell’s advice, and those citizens echoed exactly what Mondale had stated, speaking about how hard it was to cope and forge ahead during Stagflation.
On Sunday, Carter flawlessly delivered his “Crisis of Confidence" speech from the Oval Office. Soon enough in the speech, Carter arrived at Caddell’s references of a crisis of confidence combined with his own views on self-indulgence and consumption as well as the rise of pessimism. Carter stated that the cure was to restore faith in each other, faith in the ability of those to govern, faith in the future, as well as a rediscovery of traditional values. Carter closed by stating that solving the energy crisis would be the bridge to cross to show that increased faith and confidence. Carter also identified an enemy of the US towards the end of his speech: OPEC (the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries).
On Sunday, Carter flawlessly delivered his “Crisis of Confidence" speech from the Oval Office. Soon enough in the speech, Carter arrived at Caddell’s references of a crisis of confidence combined with his own views on self-indulgence and consumption as well as the rise of pessimism. Carter stated that the cure was to restore faith in each other, faith in the ability of those to govern, faith in the future, as well as a rediscovery of traditional values. Carter closed by stating that solving the energy crisis would be the bridge to cross to show that increased faith and confidence. Carter also identified an enemy of the US towards the end of his speech: OPEC (the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries).
Carter and Caddell proved right about the impact of the speech, at least in the immediate aftermath, and it seemed that Carter had swung the public back into his fold. Carter’s approval rating increased 17% in one night, which was unprecedented for a peacetime President. On the whole, Carter’s speech was positive far more so than Caddell’s draft. Carter offered a diagnosis of what ailed the nation in a mostly optimistic manner, and Carter touched on his own failings, something that resonated with most Americans. Also, most Americans still liked Carter and wanted him to succeed as President.
Carter went on a follow-up tour starting the next day on 16 July 1979, and after speaking in Kansas City, MO, Carter spoke in front of labor groups in Detroit, featuring some of Caddell’s points that he didn’t use during his televised speech. Caddell had recognized something in Carter that most around the President had missed, and at least in the short-run, Carter had re-established a connection with Americans as he had in 1976. It was at that point that Hamilton Jordan agreed to be Chief of Staff, and that changes in the Cabinet would be the litmus test of leading the nation instead of managing the government. It would be how Carter handled the “reshuffling” of his Cabinet where he would quickly lose the support of the nation that he had regained from his “Crisis of Confidence” speech.
Carter went on a follow-up tour starting the next day on 16 July 1979, and after speaking in Kansas City, MO, Carter spoke in front of labor groups in Detroit, featuring some of Caddell’s points that he didn’t use during his televised speech. Caddell had recognized something in Carter that most around the President had missed, and at least in the short-run, Carter had re-established a connection with Americans as he had in 1976. It was at that point that Hamilton Jordan agreed to be Chief of Staff, and that changes in the Cabinet would be the litmus test of leading the nation instead of managing the government. It would be how Carter handled the “reshuffling” of his Cabinet where he would quickly lose the support of the nation that he had regained from his “Crisis of Confidence” speech.