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Robert F. Kennedy and the Election of 1960, Part Three

10/14/2017

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          Source: Larry Tye. Bobby Kennedy - the Making of a Liberal Icon (2016)
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     Joe simply wanted the best possible choice for Vice-President so JFK would have the best possible chance to be elected President. Not only, according to Joe, would LBJ deliver votes in the South and the West, but he would also no longer be a possible impediment as Senate Majority Leader. As far as LBJ was concerned, knowing the true status of JFK's health, he doubted that JFK would live long enough to serve two terms. Lady Bird (LBJ's wife) told her husband that the Vice-Presidency (and then the Presidency) would be less demanding than continuing as the Senate Majority Leader. 
   Sam Rayburn even told LBJ that he needed to be the Democratic Vice-Presidential candidate to ensure victory on Election Day. JFK and RFK did the same Electoral College math, and there was no way around it: they needed a lot of help out of their running mate. Ironically, JFK made up his mind to select LBJ as VP while RFK was visiting Johnson trying to change the Senate Majority Leader's mind, offering LBJ the Chairmanship of the Democratic National Committee (which was an insult). LBJ and those loyal to him believed that RFK insulted LBJ out of pure hatred, which RFK repeatedly denied over the years. It was far more likely that JFK sent RFK to find out how much LBJ wanted to be VP; if LBJ said no, then Senator Stuart Symington (MO) would be the choice. And, if LBJ said yes, then JFK could play the part of the fair-and-square Democratic candidate with RFK yet again taking the blame for being ruthless. 
One thing was abundantly clear: there was no way that RFK and LBJ would ever get along in the future.  In Beverly Hills, California, a relatively downcast JFK and a very downcast RFK went to visit their very upbeat father; Joe told JFK that within two weeks the press would say that LBJ as VP was the smartest move to make.

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     The issues mattered less in the General Campaign of 1960 than they should have, and less compared to other Presidential Elections in memory. This was perhaps so since the US was on the brink of leaving one era and entering another, with Americans simultaneously embracing Ben-Hur and The Flintstones with the Birth Control Pill and The Twist. During the campaign, JFK (and RFK) called for closing the "Missile Gap" with the USSR, which wasn't even close to being true, but President Eisenhower couldn't release the actual information since he would give away the secret (and illegal) U-2 surveillance flights over Russia.
    Under the layer of politics, not much separated JFK from the Republican nominee, Vice-President Richard Nixon. RFK framed JFK's campaign around the themes of style, hope, and optimism, knowing that by far Nixon had the advantage in terms of experience.  RFK kept the focus on the intangibles, such as
 JFK's charisma, just as he had done in JFK's successful upset over Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. for a Senate seat in 1952. RFK understood that he had to get JFK on television, side-by-side with his comparatively less-than-handsome opponent. But even though JFK and Nixon would engage in the first-ever televised 
​Presidential debates, Nixon was the furthest thing from a TV neophyte (e.g. the "Checkers Speech"). However, Nixon simply couldn't match JFK's style, and he was not yet the master of dirty tricks, although Nixon would learn plenty from JFK and RFK during the General Campaign of 1960.

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     At most, the first televised debate switched the positions of JFK and Nixon, with the Vice-President becoming the slight underdog. But RFK knew that the post-debate bounce would disappear, since there were still 3.5 weeks until the election. So, RFK decided it was time to unleash his dirty tricks to stack the deck in favor of his brother. RFK compiled all the information possible on Nixon, calling it the "Nixonpedia". RFK leaked the fact that Howard Hughes lent Nixon's brother $205k, and reporters such as Jack Anderson ran with the story. The dirty tricks were such that Nixon changed politically, seeing dirty tricks as the way to winning/gaining/amassing power. 
    As soon as the arrest in Georgia of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. was made public, JFK and RFK started making calculations how they could help MLK, Jr. and also help themselves. Standing up for MLK, Jr. could cost them Georgia, but not standing up for him would cost them nationally in terms of African-American and Northern Liberal votes. RFK's solution was to have it both ways: JFK and RFK started to quietly make phone calls, starting with JFK's call to the Governor of Georgia. JFK and the governor each saw in the other a politician that they understood, and the governor started to get things done on his end, especially laying the groundwork with the key judge in the state.

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  One campaign strategist, Harris Wofford, convinced another, Sargent Shriver, to convince JFK to make a sympathy phone call to Coretta Scott King. When RFK found out what JFK had done, he was very upset because he thought that the phone call could jeopardize his machinations already in the works, which featured working his way up to calling the Georgia judge that could actually release MLK, Jr. . . . which he did not long after chewing out everyone involved, including JFK.
     The Governor of Georgia, Ernest Vandiver, not only paved the way for RFK to call the judge, but also convinced the judge that he could release MLK, Jr. pending an appeal, which let everyone off the hook while saving face. RFK told the judge that he would be a welcome visitor in the White House, an offer that the judge would later cash in. The judge released MLK, Jr. on bail, and the judge also hinted to reporters that RFK had made that happen . . . and by implication, that Nixon hadn't done a thing. RFK made sure ahead of time that his efforts to release MLK, Jr. wouldn't backfire, asking every state's Democratic Party chairman what their thoughts were on the potential release of MLK, Jr.

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     RFK's gamble paid off bigger than anyone could have foreseen. RFK's calls were front page news, while JFK's call to Coretta Scott King was buried, just as RFK wanted in order to minimize white Southern reaction (the story behind the phone calls remained secret for 20+ years). In the African-American communities, the political grapevine lit up with pro-JFK chatter. And, just like in Wisconsin with the anti-Catholic leaflets that were attributed to Humphrey, RFK had 3 million "Blue Bomb" leaflets handed out days before the election to remind African-American voters what JFK and RFK did for MLK, Jr.; RFK made sure that those leaflets could not be directly attributed to JFK's campaign in any way. 
     President Eisenhower basically pegged it right why Nixon lost to JFK (the popular vote was JFK 49.7%, Nixon 49.6%): two phone calls. JFK called Coretta Scott King when he was near O'Hare International Airport, and RFK made his call to the Georgia judge from Long Island, both on behalf of a jailed MLK, Jr. Neither call lasted more than a few minutes, but those two calls (plus JFK's initial call to the GA Governor) resulted in MLK, Jr. being freed. Nixon did press Ike for some action on MLK, Jr.'s behalf, but the President refused, and Nixon didn't take the matter any further. 
 
    White America paid little attention to MLK, Jr.'s release from jail, but African-Americans knew all about it, and that JFK and RFK were the main reason MLK, Jr. gained his freedom. Nixon, who had been in the good graces of African-American voters for years, and had taken the time to meet MLK, Jr. face-to-face, captured only 1/3 of the African-American vote, a steep drop from Ike's total in 1956. That juxtaposition of the African-American vote accounted for JFK's razor-thin victory over Nixon; during the primaries, JFK had been the least-popular Democratic candidate among African-American voters. . . . the phone calls made by JFK and RFK were the difference in the very, very close Presidential Election of 1960.

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Robert F. Kennedy and the Election of 1960, Part Two

10/14/2017

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         Source: Larry Tye. Bobby Kennedy - the Making of a Liberal Icon (2016)
     JFK was 8.5 years older than RFK, which meant that RFK was 11 years old when JFK went to Harvard, and the two brothers rarely socialized during their early years in Washington, D.C. A turning point in their relationship occurred in the Fall of 1951 when Congressman John Kennedy was heading to the Orient and the Middle East, and Joe insisted that RFK go along. JFK thought his younger brother would be an irritating pain on the long trip, but traveling in close-quarters for 25,000+ miles to such locations as Vietnam allowed JFK to see RFK as a grown man with his own opinions.
    Having RFK along on the trip even saved JFK's life; JFK's adrenal disorder flared up, and he reached a temperature of 107 degrees, and for the second time in his life to that point, a priest gave JFK the Last Rites. RFK arranged for JFK to be taken to a US military hospital in Okinawa, which saved JFK's life. By the time JFK and RFK came back to the US, they had forged a bond that was very similar to that of Wilbur and Orville Wright. 
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​     If the Catholic Church had been their calling, JFK would have been Pope, while RFK would have been a loyal parish priest; unlike JFK, RFK was interested in almost everyone he met. Another difference was that RFK sought out responsibility, while JFK (at that time) tried to avoid taking responsibility. The division of labor between the two brothers was perfect, with JFK the statesman above the fray, and his brother as the hatchetman in the trenches. JFK made friends, while RFK made enemies . . . such was the nature of being the sidekick.
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      As the campaign season for 1960 was getting started, JFK and RFK knew that Lyndon Johnson was their biggest obstacle to the Democratic nomination. In 1959, JFK sent RFK to LBJ's ranch in Texas to politically "scout him out". On the ranch, RFK's direct manner didn't play well with LBJ (or with any Southerner). First, RFK had to endure a deer hunt, and LBJ made sure that RFK had a shotgun instead of a rifle. So, when RFK fired the shotgun, he was blown backwards on his butt, severely wounding his ego. RFK concluded, wrongly, that LBJ would not run for the Democratic nomination, or block JFK's path to the same. 
     JFK and RFK mapped out a strategy in which JFK would enter 10 Democratic state primaries, but they both knew which two primaries were the most important: Wisconsin and West Virginia. The Wisconsin primary was on 5 April 1960, and there seemed to be no natural fit for JFK in the state, given that JFK was moderate and Wisconsin was famously progressive. And, add Senator Hubert Humphrey from neighboring Minnesota to the mix, and most pundits expected JFK to simply skip Wisconsin and focus in Illinois. But as far as RFK was concerned, he had JFK positioned perfectly as the underdog; RFK told reporters that he had advised JFK to avoid Wisconsin, and many reporters believed him.

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     Wisconsin was one-third Catholic, and even though RFK portrayed JFK as the underdog, polls in the state had JFK with 60% of the support from Democrats. RFK managed the campaign in Wisconsin just like he did with his investigations in the Justice Department, learning as much as possible before he entered the battle, while at the same time lowering expectations to the point where a modest victory would look gigantic. RFK opened eight offices in Wisconsin, compared to Humphrey's two, and RFK made sure that he had one of the nation's best pollsters on the campaign, who was able to measure opinions in almost real time. 
     RFK activated the Kennedy campaign machinery that had merely been dormant, while Humphrey stitched together his campaign pretty much at the 11th Hour. Humphrey soon came to hate the reality that a campaign led by RFK didn't play fair; RFK let loose a rumor that Jimmy Hoffa was helping to finance Humphrey's campaign. Far more aggressively (using the "Low Road"), RFK authorized anti-Catholic information to be sent out in Wisconsin and simply blamed Humphrey for the mailings. The dirty work was conducted by Paul Corbin, who was in essence RFK's hatchetman, and RFK did absolutely nothing to stop him. JFK defeated Humphrey by 12 points, which wasn't quite the knockout blow that JFK and RFK had hoped for, and Humphrey was in high dudgeon after the primary (for some pretty good reasons). 

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    West Virginia was as impoverished as Wisconsin was affluent, and WVA's politics were, to be kind, ethnically-challenged, and only 10% of the state's population was Catholic. As the 10 May primary in WVA approached, JFK was down 20% in the polls, and it seemed that WVA held it against JFK that he was Catholic. In 1960, 25% of Americans were Catholic, which made the religion the largest plurality in the nation . . . but could JFK and RFK get a Bible Belt state to trust a Catholic candidate. The overall strategy of the two brothers was to make the WVA primary a referendum on how tolerant Americans really were at least in terms of religion. While it was a political master stroke, in reality it was the only option to pursue to get those that were on-the-fence in WVA to vote for JFK.
     JFK pushed every button that mattered to West Virginians, saying that his allegiance was to America, not the Pope, and reminding those in the state that FDR, Jr. was in his corner. West Virginia's crooked politics were a natural fit for JFK and RFK, since they had been trained in the brutal political arenas of Boston and Massachusetts. Humphrey attacked JFK's record in Congress, as well as his integrity, and, as JFK and RFK interpreted it, their religion. It reached the point where JFK and RFK decided to play really dirty, accusing Humphrey (with FDR Jr.'s help) of dodging the draft during World War II, which Humphrey simply didn't do (Humphrey had tried to enlist a few times, but for various reasons, he was denied).
     Humphrey became apoplectic over the money the Kennedys had poured into West Virginia. While no one could prove it, prominent West Virginians and voting blocs were given the dreaded "Walking Around Money", which was campaign cash that wasn't "accounted for". In the end, the money wasn't the deciding factor, in that JFK defeated Humphrey 61% to 39%; that result ended the belief that a Catholic could not have national political appeal.

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     After WVA, Humphrey bowed out, which left JFK facing only minor opposition in the rest of the primaries. The "Stop Kennedy" movement within the Democratic Party saw hope, however, in that there were more unpledged delegates than pledged heading towards the convention, and LBJ was waiting in the wings to pounce. LBJ waited until a week before the convention to formally announce his candidacy, sure that he could garner the nomination in a brokered convention by keeping JFK from winning on the first ballot.
     RFK was everywhere, putting out political brush fires set by LBJ, such as accusing JFK of being in very bad health, but LBJ was forced to eat crow since the Kennedy clan was able to keep JFK's Addison's Disease a secret. Although much was planned in advance, RFK had to think on his feet most of the time, applying the lessons he learned from the convention in 1956. RFK wanted an accurate assessment of where every convention delegate stood, and he did whatever he could (sometimes using tactics that J. Edgar Hoover would recognize) to convince as many delegates as possible to vote for his brother. JFK won on the first ballot, and LBJ was not able to steal the nomination; RFK knew that if JFK hadn't won the nomination on the first ballot, they were both sunk.

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     The celebration was short-lived, since JFK now needed a Vice-Presidential running mate. RFK wanted Senator Henry "Scoop" Jackson (WA), while JFK wanted Humphrey, but Humphrey refused to accept a spot on the ticket (no doubt still holding what happened in Wisconsin and West Virginia against both brothers). But the man that was least-mentioned made the most sense as Vice-President: Lyndon Johnson. LBJ was the clear second choice in terms of delegate support, and LBJ perfectly complimented JFK politically, being from Texas. And, LBJ seemed to be the only choice for Vice-President that would keep the Conservative Democrats in the fold. 
    Theodore Sorensen (JFK's main speechwriter) and Joe both wanted LBJ, but RFK absolutely hated Johnson. For years, LBJ told the story how FDR had sacked Joe as the US Ambassador to Great Britain, and for those years RFK had been seething. The two men first met in 1953 in the Senate cafeteria when RFK was one of Senator Joseph McCarthy's lawyers. McCarthy and his retinue were eating when Johnson, the Senate Majority Leader, stopped by to say hello to McCarthy. Not only did RFK refuse to stand to shake the Senate Majority Leader's hand, he refused to make eye contact (LBJ wound up shaking RFK's hand sitting down). And then there was the deer hunting fiasco in Texas, which convinced RFK that LBJ was not only a bully, but also a brute. LBJ referred to RFK, to his face, as "Sonny Boy", and LBJ never tired of going after Joe; it seemed that the two were placed on Earth to bedevil the other.

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Robert F. Kennedy and the Election of 1960, Part One

10/1/2017

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         Source: Larry Tye. Bobby Kennedy - the Making of a Liberal Icon (2016)
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      Statecraft came naturally to John Fitzgerald Kennedy, but Robert Francis Kennedy had to work very hard to cultivate those skills. By the end of the campaign in 1960, RFK had learned much from JFK, and they blazed a path to the White House using both the "High Road" and the "Low Road", a strategy that would be copied by Lyndon Johnson in 1964 and Richard Nixon in 1968 and 1972. The Election of 1960 also introduced America to the "Kennedy Brothers", and each would depend on the other in ways that were inconceivable when they were younger, and that relationship would lead to a sharing of Presidential power and trust.
    RFK's road to becoming JFK's campaign guru in 1960 started in 1946 with JFK's run for a Congressional seat in a district in Massachusetts. JFK didn't want-or-need assistance from RFK, since he was already swamped with well-meaning relatives trying to help. And, RFK, just out of the Navy after being stationed in the Caribbean, didn't have any political experience. JFK patronized his younger (by 8.5 years) brother, and RFK was hurt, but he was determined to show his worth. 
   In the 11th Congressional District in Massachusetts, the real race was in the Democratic primary. RFK assigned himself the three poorest wards in the district (they were also the most hostile to JFK), and he knocked on doors and ate a lot of Italian food. RFK felt far more comfortable meeting real people face-to-face instead of dealing with politicians and advisers. JFK's victory in the Democratic primary was due in large part to RFK's efforts; RFK showed his mettle in wards that were in effect enemy territory, wards that JFK had written off. So, it was during the 1946 Democratic primary for the 11th Congressional District in Massachusetts where JFK saw that his brother could be of immense value to his political ambitions. 

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      That being said, RFK was on the sidelines during the Congressional Elections of 1946, 1948, and 1950. But when JFK gave up his secure House seat to challenge Republican Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. for a seat in the U.S. Senate in 1952, JFK asked his younger brother for help. Even though it seemed like an impossibility that JFK could unseat Lodge, Jr. (Lodge, Jr. treated his Senate seat as a birthright, much like Ted Kennedy in later decades), it was just the kind of gamble that, if successful, would catapult JFK into the national limelight.
     RFK was in the process of launching his career in the Justice Department (in the criminal division), and was reluctant to join JFK's Senate campaign, especially due to the family dynamics he expected to endure from both JFK and their wealthy-and-influential father, Joseph Kennedy, Sr. RFK convinced one of his friends from Harvard, Ken O'Donnell, to join JFK's campaign, but when Joe (the father) forced out JFK's long-time campaign manager over false claims of impropriety, O'Donnell called RFK and told him that he was the only one that could bring order out of the campaign's chaos. RFK knew that his presence would be the only way to get his father to back off from running (and perhaps ruining) JFK's bid for the Senate. 
     RFK's first task was to convince voters in Massachusetts that they needed to elect a new Senator; there was little to distinguish the moderate Democrat from the moderate Republican, and the U.S. was experiencing tremendous prosperity. RFK figured out that the main things that separated the two candidates was JFK's charisma/personal magnetism, and JFK's idealism didn't sound ideological. RFK wouldn't realize until later that he possessed the same characteristics as his older brother.

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     RFK constructed a campaign that was more scientific and dynamic than any other political campaign in the history of Massachusetts. In essence, RFK organized JFK's on individual party structure, not wanting to rely on the state's Democratic leadership. RFK recruited 286 local secretaries, who were new to politics but knowledgeable about their communities/areas. RFK also set up committees that made people feel special/connected, such as Women for JFK, Italians for JFK, and even Dentists for JFK. RFK wanted a lot of people to a little work instead of just a few doing most of the work. 
     Among those working in the campaign was Lawrence O'Brien (who years later became the
Commissioner of the NBA), whose role was to be the ultimate detail man to complement RFK's grand overall strategy. RFK also got the campaign running full speed during the summer instead of waiting for the traditional post-Labor Day starting point. Joe was working behind the scenes to advance JFK's political career; the Boston Post, after Joe agreed to lend the editor $500,000, broke with Lodge, Jr. and officially endorsed JFK (JFK later acknowledged that what his father did was necessary in order to obtain that very valuable/indispensable endorsement).
     "Ruthless" was the label that was attached to RFK starting with this campaign, and that label stuck. Those that got to know RFK saw, rather, that he was rude to others far more than he was ruthless, since in 1952 RFK was shy and not-quite-as assimilated as JFK. As far as RFK was concerned, he didn't care what was thought of him, he only cared about what people thought about JFK.

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     RFK kept offering himself as the political lightning rod during the campaign, which insulated JFK from any unwanted controversy; in effect, RFK was JFK's consigliere. Every major politician in Massachusetts was angry with RFK after JFK's campaign in 1952, but RFK had created the most effective campaign in the state's history. The Senate race between JFK and Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. was very, very close, and it wasn't until 3 am after Election Day that RFK calculated that JFK had won by 71,000 votes. RFK confirmed that his strategy of going-it-alone without the state Democratic network worked, and JFK's victory in 1952 cut against the grain of the political trends in not only Massachusetts, but the nation as well (e.g. Ike's victory over Stevenson). 
     JFK's margin of victory was almost identical to the number of women that attended receptions hosted by JFK's & RFK's mother, Rose Kennedy; according to Lodge, Jr., those tea parties were the difference. RFK attributed JFK's victory mostly due to what he considered to be Lodge, Jr.'s shortcomings; he thought Lodge, Jr. was a very lazy campaigner/politician. RFK was always uncomfortable looking back, and he didn't give himself enough credit for the successes that occurred due his efforts-and-abilities. But JFK understood what RFK meant to his now-Presidential political aspirations, and RFK was back at the helm as JFK pursued the Vice-Presidential slot on the Democratic ticket in 1956.

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       Joe felt it was far-too-early for JFK to make this political move, especially since President Eisenhower was a lock to be re-elected in 1956 (RFK even called his father to let him know that both sons were ignoring his advice). But JFK wanted to try anyway, and RFK was at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, trying to convince delegates to support JFK for VP. For the second straight Democratic National Convention, Adlai Stevenson was the party's nominee, and he left it to the convention's delegates to select his Vice-Presidential running mate. 
     In the end, it came down to JFK and Senator Estes Kefauver (TN), with JFK at one point just 15 delegates away from the nomination (it was very possible that Joe played a role in denying JFK the spot on the ticket). RFK concluded that he had been out-planned and out-hustled; up to that moment, RFK didn't know what it felt like to lose. But as RFK told JFK, the result was probably the best thing that could have happened in terms of positioning JFK for the Democratic nomination for President in 1960.

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     RFK learned some valuable lessons during the 1956 Democratic National Convention, and among them was that he needed to become far more knowledgeable about parliamentary procedure, and that he needed to "schmooze", something that Kefauver did to great effect. So, very much against his will, RFK would become a "back-slapper" and a "Hail Fellow Well Met" in order to help JFK become the Democratic nominee for President. 
     RFK agreed to help Adlai Stevenson in the general campaign against President Eisenhower, and RFK was so impressed with Stevenson after working with him for six weeks that he voted for Ike. RFK's actions on behalf of Stevenson were more like a journalist taking notes instead of a campaign partisan, which Stevenson found very off-putting and irritating. During the general campaign, most prominent Democrats concluded that JFK and RFK were (silently) rooting for a Stevenson defeat to bolster their chances in 1960.
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